Section 3 Factors influencing the evolution of the population with English as a mother tongue

[an error occurred while processing this directive]89-642-x[an error occurred while processing this directive] [an error occurred while processing this directive]

3.1 Fertility
3.2 Transmission of mother tongue and the effect of exogamy
3.3 Age structure
3.4 Language transfers or intragenerational linguistic mobility
3.5 Use of English and French in the public sphere
3.6 Knowledge of English
3.7 Migration (interprovincial and international migratory movements)

How the language groups in a given province or region evolve depends on the combined effect of different factors: on the one hand the determinants of natural increase—fertility and mortality—and on the other hand, internal and international migration. An additional factor is intergenerational linguistic continuity, that is, the mother-to-child transmission of the mother tongue.¹ Yet another factor will also be described in this section, namely intragenerational linguistic continuity or its obverse, language substitution or transfer. The latter, while it does not directly influence how a language group evolves in the short term, can nevertheless have a major long-term influence, in that the language predominantly used in the home is generally the one transmitted to the children.

In this section, much of the information provided will focus on the English-mother-tongue group in Quebec. However, in some cases, in particular the case of interprovincial migration and international immigration, the analysis will also cover the population with English as the first official language spoken.

3.1 Fertility

During the first half of the twentieth century, fertility differences between language groups partly accounted for the growth or maintenance of the population of some groups in relation to others. In Quebec in the 1950s and 1960s, Francophone women exhibited higher fertility than Anglophone or allophone women. This high fertility among Francophones, which had prevailed at least since the mid-nineteenth century, thus served to offset the unfavourable effects of international immigration insofar as the latter favoured the growth of the English-mother-tongue population.

The fertility of Francophone women then fell substantially, with the result that over a period of just twenty years (from 1956 to 1976), the average number of children per woman went from 4.2 to 1.8. There was also a drop in fertility among women with English as their mother tongue, but it was less dramatic, going from 3.3 to 1.6 during the same period. In the following five-year periods, the fertility trends of Francophone and Anglophone women of Quebec converged, so that between 1981 and 1986, their fertility rates were identical.

Demographers have determined that in the current conditions of low mortality, the replacement level corresponds to a rate of 2.1, that is, 2,100 children per 1,000 women. As may be seen in table 3.1, the fertility level of Anglophones and Francophone women in Quebec fell below the replacement level starting in the period 1971 to 1976, while for women with an "other" mother tongue, this phenomenon occurred during the following five-year period, from 1976 to 1981.

Another point worth noting is that during the past two decades, from 1986 to 2006, the fertility rates of Anglophones and Francophones in Quebec edged slightly upward and then fell back below the level of 1.5 children per woman.

As regards women in the "other"-mother-tongue group, their fertility rate has consistently been higher than that of their Anglophone counterparts since the mid-1960s. In this regard, however, caution is warranted when examining the effect of higher fertility for "other"-mother-tongue women, for as will be seen further on, the transmission of French or English to children is a significant phenomenon, especially when the male partner has English or French as a mother tongue.

 Table 3.1 Total fertility rate by mother tongue, Quebec, 1956 to 2006

3.2 Transmission of mother tongue and the effect of exogamy

Although the total fertility rate provides useful information on the number of births within different mother-tongue groups, it does not provide any information on the mother tongue transmitted to children. The tendency to transmit a language to one's children varies according to a number of factors, and one of the most important of these is the geographic concentration of the population consisting of a given language group. As will be seen below, this factor also influences the propensity to form an exogamous couple, that is, a couple in which the partners do not have the same mother tongue. Also, the lower the geographic concentration or relative weight of a language group in a given community, the lower the propensity of parents to transmit the minority language. As chart 3.2.1 shows, the proportion of couples with at least one English-mother-tongue partner who transmit English as a mother tongue to their children varies from one region to another in Quebec. In two regions of the province, at least seven children in ten had English transmitted to them as a mother tongue: Montréal (78.4%) and the East of Quebec (69.7%). In the other regions, the proportions are below the provincial average (71.8%): Outaouais (63.4%), Estrie and South of Quebec (64.1%), Rest of the Province (49%) and Québec and surrounding area (34.1%).

 Chart 3.2.1 Proportion of children with English as mother tongue among families where at least one of the parents has English as mother tongue by region, Quebec, 2006

The proportion of Anglophones within a given region, or indeed their level of geographic concentration, leads to different propensities to form linguistically mixed or exogamous couples. This propensity also results from the fact that for both Anglophones and Francophones, the high level of bilingualism of residents of the Montréal region is likely to increase the incidence of such unions.

From 1971 to 2006, the proportion of children living in an English-French and in an English-"other"-language exogamous family greatly increased in Quebec, going from 28% to 45% and from 5% to 14% respectively during this same period (see chart 3.2.2). Conversely, the share of children living in an endogamous family with both parents having English as their mother tongue declined substantially, going from 67% in 1971 to 41% in 2006.

 Chart 3.2.2 Percentage of children under 18 years of age living in a family where at least one parent is of English-mother tongue, by mother tongue of parents, Quebec, 1971 and 2006

The proportion of children living in an exogamous family also varies according to the region of the province in which these families live (see chart 3.2.3). The East of Quebec and Montréal regions register the highest propensity for children to live in a family with both parents having English as their mother tongue, namely 46% in both cases. In the Outaouais and Estrie and South of Quebec regions, more than one-third (37%) of children live in English-language endogamous families. Anglophones in Québec and surrounding area stand out from those in other regions, in that only 10% of children live in a family with both parents with English as mother tongue, and nearly nine Anglophones in ten live in a family where the English-speaking parent has a French-mother-tongue spouse.

It is worth noting that although Anglophones in the East of Quebec and those in Québec and surrounding area both constitute less than 5% of the population of their respective regions, the former are much more concentrated in their municipality of residence than the latter (see table 2.4.2). The proportion of children living in English-French exogamous families in Québec and surrounding area reaches 88% compared to 52% in the East of Quebec.

 Chart 3.2.3 Percentage of children under 18 years of age living in a family where at least one parent is of English-mother tongue, by mother tongue of parents, Quebec and regions, 2006

From 1971 to 2006, the proportion of English-French and English-"other"-language exogamous couples among couples with at least one partner of English mother tongue greatly increased in Quebec, going from 25% to 46% and from 5% to 13% respectively during this same period (see chart 3.2.2). Conversely, the share of endogamous couples with both spouses having English as their mother tongue declined substantially, going from 70% in 1971 to 41% in 2006.

Because of the strong increase in the proportion of English-French exogamous couples from 1971 to 2006, a drop is observed in the rate of transmission of the minority language (in this case, English) to children. And indeed, the statistics presented in chart 3.2.4 show a marked decline in the transmission of English to children under 18 born of this type of couple. Although the data for 1971 and 2006 are not exactly comparable, notably because multiple responses were not captured in 1971, 34% of children of French-English couples were transmitted English as a mother tongue at the time of the 2006 Census, while the corresponding proportion was 51% in 1971. However, note that in 2006, 10% of the children born of this type of couple were transmitted both French and English as mother tongues.²

In the case of English-mother-tongue spouses whose partner had a mother tongue other than French or English, English was transmitted to their children in a proportion of 82%. This type of couple represented 14% of couples in 2006 in which at least one partner's mother tongue was English.

 Chart 3.2.4 Mother tongue of children less then 18 years of age, by mother tongue of parent, Quebec, 1971 and 2006

Women are proportionally more likely to pass on their mother tongue than men. In 1971, 57% of English-mother-tongue mothers whose spouse had French as a mother tongue transmitted English to their children, compared to 46% of English-mother-tongue fathers living with a spouse whose mother tongue was French.

In 2006, the gap was even wider, although English was transmitted proportionally less often than in 1971 in English-French exogamous couples. According to the last census, nearly 46% of English-mother-tongue mothers whose spouse had French as his mother tongue transmitted English to their children, compared to 22% of English-mother-tongue fathers living with a French-speaking spouse. This means that when the mother tongue of the mother is French and that of her spouse is English, French is transmitted to the children as the sole mother tongue in 67% of cases, whereas when the mother tongue of the father is French and that of his spouse is English, French is transmitted in a proportion similar to English, at approximately 45%. Note that for French-English exogamous couples overall, both French and English are transmitted as a double mother tongue in approximately 10% of cases.³

Table 3.2.1 reflects the fact that between 1971 and 2006, among French-English exogamous couples there was an increase in the proportion of spouses with English or French as their mother tongue who could conduct a conversation in both English and French. This increase was especially substantial for English-mother-tongue spouses. Thus, while 70% of English-speaking female spouses reported being bilingual in 1971, the corresponding proportion in 2006 was nearly 88%. Among English-speaking males whose spouse was French speaking, the corresponding proportions were 75% and 87% respectively. The data presented thus reveal that with the increase in the proportion of English-mother-tongue spouses living with a French-speaking spouse as well as the marked increase in the English-French bilingualism rate among the former, there has also been an increase in the transmission of French as the mother tongue to children living in English-French exogamous families.

It is also worth noting that in 1971, 32% of English-mother-tongue women living with a French-mother-tongue male spouse spoke French most often at home, compared to 41% of English-mother-tongue spouses living with a French-speaking female spouse (data not in tables). Thirty-five years later, in 2006, the corresponding proportions were 38% and 41% respectively (data not in tables). Furthermore, in 2006, 5.6% of female spouses and 4.4% of male spouses who had English as their mother tongue and were living in an exogamous English-French couple reported speaking both French and English most often at home.⁴

 Table 3.2.1 Proportion of partners with a mother tongue other than English who have knowledge of both official languages by type of couple, Quebec, 1971 and 2006

3.3 Age structure

It is useful to examine how the age structure of Quebec's Anglophone population has evolved, so as to be able to update part of the past demographic history of that population while providing an indication of its future course. Between 1971 and 2006, this evolution is essentially the result of the decrease in the fertility rate of Anglophone women, the negative net interprovincial migration of the English-mother-tongue population and an increase in international immigration. Added to all these phenomena is the strong tendency for English to be transmitted to children as a mother tongue. As noted above, at the time of the 2006 Census, English had been transmitted as a mother tongue to just over seven in ten children under 18 years of age born of a couple with at least one English-mother-tongue spouse. In Montréal, that proportion was 78%.

Chart 3.3.1 shows how the age structure of Quebec's English-mother-tongue population has changed over time. We have already shown that between 1971 and 2006, this language group saw its numbers drop by 23.0% (or 181,670 persons), going from 788,835 to 607,165 persons. The decrease in the English-mother-tongue population strongly affected the sizes of the cohorts under 35 years of age because of a drop in the fertility of Anglophone women, partly owing to a fertility rate below the replacement level. To be sure, the population with English as its mother tongue benefited from international immigration, owing to the fact that some of the children of mothers with an "other" mother tongue had English transmitted to them as a mother tongue. However, this phenomenon was insufficient to offset the low fertility of English-mother-tongue women. At the same time, a decrease is observed in the numbers of persons aged 35 to 64 who were under 30 years of age in 1971, owing to the sizable migration of the English-mother-tongue population to other provinces and territories. However, people aged 70 and over saw an increase in their population, owing to the ageing of the population and lengthened life expectancy.

In 2006, the number of children under 5 years of age (34,080) was smaller than the number of adults in the 30-34 age group (35,977), the average childbearing age, yielding a ratio of 0.95. By comparison, in 1971 the corresponding ratio was 1.33 (59,411/44,735). Also, as chart 3.3.1 shows, the baby boom generation (born between 1946 and 1966), which corresponded to the age cohorts 5 to 9 to 20 to 24 (305,540) in 1971, is much greater in size than the 40 to 44 to 55 to 59 age cohorts (172,313) 35 years later.

 Chart 3.3.1 Age structure of the English mother tongue population, Quebec, 1971 and 2006

All things being otherwise equal, the small size of the youngest cohorts in 2006—combined with the fact that in the coming decades a number of cohorts will move into the over-65 group age—will in the future produce an especially older age structure for the population with English as its mother tongue.

While the aging of the English-mother-tongue population is mainly due to a low fertility rate and a steady increase in life expectancy, it can be assumed that it also results from non-transmission of English as a mother tongue to children. We have just shown that the rate of intergenerational transmission of English fell in families composed of English-French exogamous couples between 1971 and 2006: more than half (51%) of children under 18 years of age living in such families were transmitted English as their mother tongue in 1971, compared to just over one-third in 2006. Instead, what predominated in 2006 was the transmission of French (56%) to the children of exogamous couples.

Overall, however, intergenerational linguistic continuity favoured the Anglophone population during this period. This phenomenon is measured by determining the ratio (or index) of the number of English-mother-tongue children under age 5 to the number of children whose mother has English as her mother tongue.⁵ Intergenerational transmission is favourable to the English-mother-tongue population if this intergenerational continuity index is greater than 1.⁶ This is the case in Quebec, where the index was 1.22 in 2006, up from 1.10 in 1971 (data not in table). In 2006, the English continuity index continued to be higher than the index for French (1.05) and that for "other" mother tongues (0.72). In other words, although this group has had a fertility rate that since 1991 has been either equal to or less than that of the French and "other" mother tongue groups, the higher intergenerational continuity index of the Anglophone group testifies to the fact that this group benefits from the contribution of intergenerational language mobility from the other two groups.

Moreover, the steep drop in births exhibited by the English-mother-tongue group in the past 35 years is not unique to this language group. Chart 3.3.2 shows the age structure of the main mother-tongue groups in 2006. As may be seen, while the relative share of the cohorts under 25 years of age within the English-mother-tongue group is greater than within the other two groups, the consequences of a fertility rate below the replacement level are also apparent in this language group.

It should also be noted that the over-representation of the "other"-mother-tongue group in the cohorts aged 25 to 44 is mainly dependent on immigration policies that tend to favour the immigration of working-age persons.

 Chart 3.3.2 Age structure of French, English and Other mother tongue populations, Quebec, 2006 (Rate per 1000)

Finally, the age structure of the Anglophone group in Quebec must also be examined in light of information on the first official language spoken. We have shown that the population with English as the first official language spoken was 995,000, compared to 607,000 for the population with English as the mother tongue. The statistics presented in chart 3.3.3 accordingly indicate a larger number of English first official language spoken (FOLS) persons in all cohorts, but with greater differences in the 25 to 29 to 45 to 49 age groups. The latter situation is in large measure the combined result of the sizable negative net migration of the English-mother-tongue population during the 1970s and 1980s—a phenomenon that will be examined below—and the fact that the "other"-mother-tongue labour force population, with its roots in international immigration and with English as its first official language spoken, is strongly represented in these age groups.

 Chart 3.3.3 Number of persons with English as mother tongue and first official language spoken, Quebec, 2006

Apart from the consequences of the negative net migration of Quebecers with English as their mother tongue, the sizable differences observed between the counts of the Anglophone population defined according to different criteria largely result from the contribution of a population with its roots in the international immigration of persons with an "other" mother tongue, a population that either knows only English or knows both French and English but speaks English most often at home. It is to this phenomenon that we will now turn our attention.

3.4 Language transfers or intragenerational linguistic mobility

Language transfer, also sometimes called language shift, refers to the phenomenon whereby the main language used at home differs from the individual's mother tongue. This language mobility phenomenon has no direct bearing on the evolution of language groups defined according to mother tongue. However, insofar as the language that dominates in the home is generally the one that is passed on to the children, it has a long-term influence on the future of language groups. Also, when the criterion used to define language groups is the first official language spoken, the language spoken most often at home has a direct influence on the size of the Anglophone group. For example, according to this criterion, persons who know both official languages, and who have both French and English or an "other"⁷ language as their mother tongue, belong to the English-language group if they speak English most often at home.

Through successive censuses, there has been a slight increase in language transfers for persons with English as a mother tongue in Quebec. Thus, in 1971, approximately 7.5% of Quebecers with English as a mother tongue reported using another language, usually French, most often at home. Thirty-five years later, 10.6% of English-mother-tongue persons reported speaking a language other than English most often at home. For persons with French as their mother tongue, the proportion of language transfers was lower, and it remained almost stable, ranging from 1.6% in 1971 to 1.3% in 2006. For persons with an "other" mother tongue, language transfers are proportionally much more numerous: they first diminished slightly between 1971 and 1981, going from 31.9% to 29.8%, then gradually increased, reaching 37.4% in 2006.

 Table 3.4.1 Rate of Language Transfer by mother tongue, Quebec, 1971 to 2006

A linguistic continuity index may also be used as a corollary of the language transfer rate. This index is the ratio of the number of persons with a given home language to the number of persons having the corresponding mother tongue. A language group emerges at the top of the mother tongue transmission process when the index is higher than 1. Conversely, transfers are unfavourable to language group when the index is less then 1.

According to the statistics presented in table 3.4.2, the French-mother-tongue group saw its linguistic continuity index go from 1.00 to 1.03 between 1971 and 2006, while that of the Anglophone group went from 1.13 to 1.30. However, this increase in the linguistic continuity index masks the decrease in Quebec's English-mother-tongue population during this period. Indeed, a sizable portion of this increase in the index is due to a larger decrease in the number of persons with English as their mother tongue (a decrease of 182,000 during the study period) than in the number of English speakers for whom English is the main language spoken at home (a decrease of 100,000 persons during the same period.). In other words, since 1971 the change in Anglophones' linguistic continuity index has been influenced both by the evolution of language transfers toward English or French and by negative net interprovincial migration for the population with English as its mother tongue.

 Table 3.4.2 Population by mother tongue, language spoken most often at home and linguistic continuity index, Quebec, 1971 and 2006

The continuity index of 1.30 for the English-mother-tongue group takes account of the fact that in Quebec, 175,300 persons have an "other" mother tongue and speak English most often at home (table 3.4.3). It also takes account of the fact that more than 74,000 French-mother-tongue persons have English as their main language spoken at home and nearly 60,000 English-mother-tongue persons speak French most often at home.

 Table 3.4.3 Population by mother tongue and language spoken most often at home, and linguistic continuity index, Quebec, 2006

Because individuals' main home language may differ from their mother tongue, the concept of language transfer has often been seen as a phenomenon indicating abandonment of one's mother tongue. But since 2001, the Canadian census has included a question on languages, other than the main language, that are spoken on a regular basis at home. Although it may be difficult to judge how respondents interpret this new question, qualitative tests conducted on respondents as well as the results from the Survey on the Vitality of Official-Language Minorities (SVOLM) have shown that respondents usually consider it to refer to daily use of that language.

Based on the census results for this question, a distinction can be made between the phenomenon of partial language transfer and that of complete language transfer. As a corollary to this distinction, there is a need to qualify the concept of linguistic continuity, insofar as using one's mother tongue on a regular basis at home cannot be interpreted as linguistic discontinuity.

In 2006, more than 744,000 Quebecers spoke English as the only main language at home, while nearly 91,000 persons reported speaking that language most often in combination with French or an "other" language (table 3.4.4). Thus, 11.2% of Quebecers reported having English as their main language at home. Data from the 2006 Census also show that more than 439,000 persons reported speaking English on a regular basis at home although it was not their main home language (table 3.4.5). In short, English is spoken most often or on a regular basis at home by 17.1% of the population.

 Table 3.4.4 Population by mother tongue, language spoken most often at home and other languages spoken regularly at home, Quebec, 2006

 Table 3.4.5 Number and proportion of persons with English as mother tongue, first official language spoken, language spoken most often at home and language spoken regularly at home, Quebec, 2006

Information on the regular use of English as a secondary language in the home serves to distinguish complete language transfers from partial language transfers. Thus, based on single responses to the question on the first language learned and still understood at the time of the 2006 Census (commonly called the mother tongue), table 3.4.6 shows that for Quebec as a whole, 4.7% of persons with English as their mother tongue do not use that language at least regularly at home (complete transfer), whereas 5.9% use it on a regular basis (partial transfer).

As was already seen in Section 2.3, Anglophones are rather concentrated geographically in Quebec, and consequently, their language behaviours are influenced by the relative share that they represent within their community. For example, the language transfer rate in the Montréal region is 7.6%, including 3.3% complete transfers and 4.3% partial transfers.⁸ Conversely, in the region of Québec and surrounding area, where some 17,000 Anglophones comprise scarcely more than 1% of the population, the language transfer rate is 50%, including 25% complete transfers. By the same token, because of their high level of regional concentration, especially within their municipality of residence, Anglophones in the province's Eastern region have a particularly low language transfer rate, at 14.6% (including 8.1% partial transfers).

 Table 3.4.6 Rate of complete and partial language transfers by region, persons of English mother tongue, Quebec, 2006

Among Anglophones in Quebec, there are some variations in language transfer rates based on the age group (table 3.4.7); thus, young persons under 15 years of age have a slightly higher propensity to speak English most often at home than Anglophones in the other age groups. Moreover, the linguistic paths of Anglophones who live in a minority environment are influenced by their life paths (type of educational institution attended, main language of friends, work environment, spouse's language group, etc.). The 2006 Census statistics show that Anglophones most likely to have made a complete language transfer are those who belong to the oldest age groups. However, it is in the in-between age groups (25 to 64 years) that there are the largest proportions of partial transfers (between 7% and 8%). Consequently, English is not the main language used at home for just over one Anglophone in ten aged 25 and over.

 Table 3.4.7 Rate of complete and partial language transfers by age group, persons of English mother tongue, Quebec, 2006

Analysis of the language transfer phenomenon is enriched by data from the Survey on the Vitality of Official-language Minorities (SVOLM). The survey includes a question on respondents' main language, that is, the language in which they are most at ease when speaking. As may be seen from the results shown in table 3.4.8 on the population for whom English is the first official language spoken, the vast majority of Anglophones have either English or both official languages as their main language. These proportions vary by region of residence, and consequently by the proportion that Anglophones represent within their municipality.

 Table 3.4.8 Percentage of Quebec Anglophones by main language and region of residence, Quebec, 2006

Concerning the main language, it is useful to distinguish persons who have both French and English from those who have only English as the first official language spoken⁹ (table 3.4.9). While the latter almost all have English as their main language (92%), persons having both French and English as first official languages spoken reported having French or English as their main language in nearly equal proportions (40% for English and 45% for French),¹⁰ while 15% reported being equally at ease when speaking English as when speaking French.

 Table 3.4.9 Main language of Quebec Anglophones by first official language spoken, Quebec, 2006

When the statistics shown in table 3.4.8 are compared to those on language transfers (table 3.4.6), it emerges that in Quebec as a whole and in several regions, the proportion of Anglophones who report speaking French most often at home (complete and partial language transfers) is larger than the proportion who report being more at ease in French than in English.¹¹ For example, 27% of Anglophones in Québec and surrounding area reported being more at ease in French than in English, while 50% reported speaking French most often at home. However, In Montréal and the Outaouais, the proportion of Anglophones who reported being more at ease in French was fairly similar to the proportion of language transfers.

Finally, as noted above, language transfers are proportionally more numerous in Quebec among persons with "other" mother tongues than among Anglophones or Francophones. Whereas in the other provinces, the language transfers made by allophones are primarily toward English, in Quebec they are equally divided between French and English. Thus, in 2006, 50% of allophones who had made a language transfer were mainly using French at home while 48% were mainly using English.

In looking at allophones who have made a language transfer, a different picture emerges if a distinction is made between immigrants and Canadians by birth. For immigrants, 39% of language transfers are toward English, compared to 64% for non-immigrants. Furthermore, for immigrants, differences are observed in the language to which the transfer is made, depending on the period of immigration: 74% of language transfers for allophones who immigrated before 1961¹² are toward English, compared to 53% for those who immigrated between 1961 and 1975, 30% for those who immigrated between 1976 and 1990 and 26% for those who immigrated between 1991 and 2006.¹³

 Chart 3.4.1 Direction of language transfers among persons whose mother tongue is a language other than English or French (who made a transfer to English and/or French), by immigrant status and period of immigration, Quebec, 2006

As regards non-immigrants, the direction of language transfers varies greatly, depending on the age group. There are more transfers toward English in the in-between age categories, especially among persons aged 35 to 44, where 83% of transfers are toward English. Among persons aged 0 to 14, 47% of language transfers are toward English, compared to 55% for persons aged 65 and over.

 Chart 3.4.2 Direction of language transfers among non-immigrants whose mother tongue is a language other than English or French (who made a language transfer), by age group, Quebec, 2006

3.5 Use of English and French in the public sphere

The information presented thus far has shown that Anglophones in Quebec make considerable use of English at home and that a large proportion of them transmit that language to their children. Statistics from the Census of Population shed light on the use of languages both in the private sphere (at home) and, as will be seen in the section dealing with the labour force, in the workplace. But what do we know about the use of English and French by Anglo Quebecers—especially those with an "other" mother tongue—in other areas of interaction outside the home?

The Survey on the Vitality of Official-Language Minorities includes a number of questions on the use of languages in various domains in the public sphere such as stores, health care institutions (which will be examined in detail in the next section), volunteer activities, social support, community or sports activities, etc. Some questions in the survey also deal with domains on the borderline between the private and public spheres, such as the language spoken with friends outside the home or the language in which various media are "consumed."

An examination of language practices in various domains in the public and private spheres reveals differences between the population whose first official language spoken is English and the population with both English and French as first official languages spoken (see charts 3.5.1-a and 3.5.1-b). In the English-speaking population, English is greatly predominant in both these spheres. In the population with a dual first official language spoken (FOLS), English is the language most often used when consuming media, whereas French is most often used in the public sphere, and the use of an "other" language predominates at home. However, in all domains there is considerable use of both English and French by the English-French FOLS population.

Chart 3.5.1a reflects the fact that in all domains in the private and public spheres, English is the language used most often by persons whose first official language spoken is English (English FOLS). Although 80% of them report using English almost exclusively at home, with 10% speaking a language other than English or French most often there, it is in media consumption that English is most widespread. In that domain, 97% of the English FOLS population use English most often (alone or with another language), while 53% use it exclusively. Also, 87% use English most often with friends.

Apart from language choices in media consumption and the languages used with friends outside the home, English is used to a fairly similar extent in the immediate networks, the workplace and interactions with institutional representatives and in stores. While nearly 60% of Anglophones use English predominantly in their immediate network or in institutions or stores, the proportion who does so in the workplace is 53%. Additionally, almost 20% of this population reported using English equally with French in these three domains of the public sphere. At work, the Survey of the Vitality of Official-Language Minority (SVOLM) data show that nearly 25% of persons for whom English is the first official language spoken use mainly or only French. The corresponding proportion is approximately 20% in the immediate network and in interactions with institutional representatives and in stores.

As chart 3.5.1b shows, the population with a dual official language—that is, with both French and English as FOLS—makes rather varied use of languages in the private and public spheres. In this population, the consumption of media in English is very widespread: more than three persons in four use English most often (alone or with another language) in this domain, 47% of them predominantly.¹⁴ French is used most often by 53% of French-English FOLS persons in their consumption of media.

As regards the language practices of the French-English FOLS population in the other domains, French (alone or with another language) is used most often by more than three persons in four in the public sphere: 80% in institutions and stores, 79% with the immediate network and 76% at work. On the other hand, in these domains the dual use of English and French is fairly widespread: in institutions and stores (21%), at work and in the immediate network (approximately 30%). Note that within this sub-population, the use of an "other" language "predominates" as the only language spoken at home (56%), while English (alone or with French) is spoken "most often" in 31% of cases and French (alone or with English) in 35% of cases.

 Chart 3.5.1-a Proportion of the population with English only as first official language spoken, by language use in various domains of the public and private spheres, Quebec, 2006

 Chart 3.5.1-b Proportion of the population with English and French as first official language spoken, by language use in various domains of the public and private spheres, Quebec, 2006

The use of English in the different domains of the public sphere (media, institutions and stores, work, immediate network and friends outside the home) varies not only according to the first official language spoken of the population, but also according to the region of residence. The data in chart 3.5.2 show that province-wide, 91% of the population for whom English is the only first official language spoken (English FOLS) uses English most often (alone or with another language) in the public sphere.¹⁵ The proportions using this language are also high in most regions of the province, at 95% in Montréal, 92% in the Outaouais, 86% in Estrie and South of Quebec and 78% in the East of Quebec. Conversely, the use of French predominates in Québec and surrounding area. Among the Anglophones in this region, English is used most often in the public sphere, alone or with another language, by approximately 40%, including scarcely more than 15% who use it predominantly. English and French are both used by approximately one Anglophone in four in three regions of the province: Estrie and South of Quebec, Québec and surrounding area and the "Rest of the province".

Because the population in Quebec for whom both English and French are the first official language spoken resides primarily in the Montréal region, it is instructive to examine the extent to which the main language used in the public sphere by that population differs from that of the population for whom English is the only first official language spoken. English predominates for 76% of the latter population, compared to only 25% of the population with a dual first official language spoken. In that population, French is used almost exclusively by just under 38% and English and French are used equally by 37%.

 Chart 3.5.2 Proportion of the population with English only as First official language spoken by the general language use index in various domains of the public sphere, Quebec and regions, 2006

3.6 Knowledge of English

Because of the status of English and the predominance of that language both in Canada and in North America as a whole, a sizable proportion of the Quebec population reports being able to conduct a conversation in English. In 2006, although only 8.2% of the Quebec population had English as a mother tongue and only 13.4% had English as a first official language spoken, 45.1% of the Quebec population reported being able to conduct a conversation in English. Among Quebecers with French as a mother tongue the proportion was 36.1% while the "other"-mother-tongue population was 67.5%.

The English-French bilingualism rate within the Quebec population remained basically stable, varying from 40.8% in 2001 to 40.6% in 2006. The only gains were recorded for persons with English as their mother tongue. Among the latter, the rate went from 67.2% in 2001 to 69.8% in 2006. Meanwhile, the bilingualism rate for Francophones and allophones remained fairly stable.

 Table 3.6.1 Knowledge of official languages by mother tongue, Quebec, 2001 and 2006

For persons for whom English is not the first official language spoken, the ability to conduct a conversation in English depends on a number of factors, including how interested they are in learning the language and the perceived importance, utility and status of the language. In addition, a major role is played by the demographic characteristics of the population considered, as well as the demolinguistic context. Thus, as charts 3.6.1 and 3.6.2 show, non-Anglophones' ability to conduct a conversation in English greatly depends on the region in which they live and, consequently, on the proportional weight of the English-speaking population in that region.

Because of the strong concentration of Anglophones in the Montréal region and the proximity of Ontario in the case of the Outaouais region, the proportions of non-Anglophones who can conduct a conversation in English are high in both those regions. In Quebec as a whole, more than one-third of non-Anglophones can conduct a conversation in English. This proportion is 60% in the Outaouais region, 47% in Montréal and 35% in the region of Estrie and South of Quebec. In Québec and surrounding area and the Rest of the Province, roughly one person in four is able to conduct a conversation in English, while this is the case with only 17% of the non-Anglophone population in the Eastern region.

 Chart 3.6.1 Rate of English-French bilinguism among the persons with French only as their first official language spoken by region, Quebec, 2006

It has also already been shown that Anglophones living in the Montréal CMA are mainly concentrated on the Island of Montréal, especially its western portion. The proportion of non-Anglophones who can conduct a conversation in English on the Island of Montréal is 54%. Another way to bring out the link between place of residence and knowledge of English among non-Anglophones is to present the statistics according to the relative weight of the Anglophone minority within the municipality of residence. The data in chart 3.6.2 show, that with one exception, the greater the relative share of Anglophones within their municipality, the greater the knowledge of English among Francophones. Thus, in municipalities where Anglophones constitute less than 10% of the population, the French-English bilingualism rate among non-Anglophones is just over 28%, while in municipalities where Anglophones constitute at least 70% of the population, the level of non-Anglophones' knowledge of English is nearly 82%.

 Chart 3.6.2 Rate of English-French bilingualism among persons with French only as their first official language spoken, by the proportion that Anglophones represent within the municipality of residence, Quebec, 2006

The data in chart 3.6.3 reveal that with the exception of persons over 80 years of age, English-French bilingualism among non-Anglophones is more widespread among "other"-mother-tongue persons than among those with French as their mother tongue. For young allophones, the English-French bilingualism rate increases from one age group to the next, reaching 68.8% for those aged 15 to 19, an age range in which secondary and college studies are being completed. The rate then gradually declines, falling to 21.3% among persons over 90 years of age. For Francophones, the knowledge of English increases from one age group to the next until it levels off at roughly 51% for the 20 to 34 age groups, an age range generally associated with entry into the labour market. On this score, note that the demands of the labour market probably play a decisive role in the intensive learning of English as a second language, since the bilingualism rate of Francophones in the labour force is higher than that of those not in the labour force.

 Chart 3.6.3 Proportion of persons who can conduct a conversation in English and in French, by age group and French or an "other" language as mother tongue, Quebec, 2006

3.7 Migration (interprovincial and international migratory movements)

The mobility of Anglophones within Canada and the contribution of international immigration are factors that greatly influence the evolution of the English-speaking population of Quebec.

3.7.1 Place of birth

Table 3.7.1 shows the place of birth of Anglophones in Quebec. In 2006, more than 68% of persons with English as their mother tongue were born in Quebec, compared to nearly 57% of those for whom English is the first official language spoken. Depending on the criterion used, the proportion of Anglophones in Quebec born in another Canadian province or territory was between 13% and 18%, with the vast majority of them coming from Ontario. As for foreign-born persons, most of whom were immigrants,¹⁶ they comprised 14% of the English-mother-tongue population and 31% of the population for whom English is the first official language spoken.

 Table 3.7.1 Place of birth of Anglophones by mother tongue and first official language spoken, Quebec, 2006

The place of birth of the English first official language spoken (FOLS) population varies considerably, depending on the region of residence. As may be seen in chart 3.7.1, only one-third of Anglophones living in the Outaouais and slightly more than half of those living in the Montréal and Québec and surrounding area regions were born in Quebec, whereas in the other regions of the province, the corresponding proportion is much higher, at 70% and over. The Outaouais, a region bordering Ottawa, has the largest proportion of Anglophones born in another province, namely 49%, while in the other regions this proportion ranges between 8% and 23%. As for the foreign-born population, the English-speaking portion tends to head mainly toward the large urban centres. Accordingly, this immigrant population is much more concentrated in the regions of Montréal (40%) and Québec and surrounding area (26%) than in the other regions of Quebec, where the proportions range between 4% and 17%.

 Chart 3.7.1 Place of birth of persons with English as first official language spoken, by region, Quebec, 2006

3.7.2 International immigration

In the past thirty-five years, the proportion of immigrants to Canada who live in Quebec has remained fairly stable, ranging from 14.2% in 1971 to 13.8% in 2006 (table 3.7.2.1). However, there has been a decrease in the relative weight of the immigrant population with English only as its first official language spoken in Quebec within the population of English-speaking immigrants in Canada as a whole: 8.5% in 1971 compared to 4.9% in 2006. Owing to the sizable decrease in the proportion of immigrants from Europe in favour of immigrants from the other regions of the world, there has also been a decrease in the proportion of persons with English only as FOLS within Quebec's immigrant population; that proportion declined from 51.5% in 1971 to 29.1% in 2006. Conversely, the proportion of Quebec's immigrant population consisting of persons with both English and French as their first official languages spoken increased from 10.7% to 17.6% during the same period.

In Quebec, the proportion of immigrants varies enormously from one language group to another. It is within the English-French first official language spoken (FOLS) population that immigrants are proportionally most numerous, at 73.8% in 1971 compared to 68.6% in 2006. Within the English only FOLS population, the corresponding proportions are 25.2% and 28.0% respectively. Within the French FOLS group, the portion consisting of immigrants has changed little, since it was 2.8% in 1971 and 6.6% 35 years later.

 Table 3.7.2.1 Number, percentage and relative share of English and French immigrants, Quebec, 1971 to 2006

Quebec's English-speaking immigrant population comes from various countries. However, a large proportion of these immigrants come from a small number of countries. Table 3.7.2.2 shows the main countries of origin of immigrants residing in Quebec. As may be seen, Italy, the People's Republic of China and the United States are the countries that supply the greatest number of English-speaking immigrants. The twelve countries shown in this table are the source countries of 56% of English-language immigration to Quebec. Almost half (46.1%) of English-speaking immigrants come from two continents: Europe (24.3%) and Asia (22.1%).

 Table 3.7.2.2 Main countries of origin of English-speaking immigrants, Quebec, 2006

3.7.3 Interprovincial migration

Since 1976, the Anglophone population in Quebec with English as first official language spoken has undergone major migratory losses to other provinces and territories (see table 3.7.3).¹⁷ The migration of this population from Quebec to other provinces and territories peaked during the five-year period from 1976 to 1981: more than 151,000 persons left Quebec, while only slightly more than 28,000 persons came to settle in Quebec, this resulted in a negative net figure of nearly 123,000 persons. During the same period, the migratory loss of the population with French as first official language spoken (18,000) was much lower. Starting in 1981 to 1986, the number of Anglophones leaving Quebec declined, falling to 50,000 persons during the period 2001 to 2006, one-third the number of departures recorded in the period 1976 to 1981. Meanwhile, the Anglophone population's net negative migration also diminished, totalling 16,000 persons during the period 2001 to 2006. Furthermore, not only did 24,000 fewer Anglophones leave Quebec for other provinces between 2001 and 2006 than in the preceding five-year period, but 4,500 more Anglophones left other provinces to come to Quebec between 2001 and 2006 than during the preceding period. Anglophones' negative net migration thus decreased by 64%, exceeding the 59% slowdown recorded between the period 1976 to 1981 and 1981 to 1986. It is noteworthy that 40% of all Canadian Anglophones born in Quebec and having English as their first official language spoken were living outside that province in 2006—27% in Ontario and 14% elsewhere in Canada (data not in table).

 Table 3.7.3 Interprovincial migration between Quebec and other provinces and territories, by first official language spoken, 1976 to 1981, 1981 to 1986, 1986 to 1991, 1991 to 1996, 1996 to 2001 and 2001 to 2006

Charts 3.7.3.1 and 3.7.3.2 show migratory movements between Quebec and the other provinces and territories from 2001 to 2006. As shown, of the 34,000 Anglophones who came from other provinces and territories to settle in Quebec, nearly two-thirds (66%) were living in Ontario in 2001. The rest of the Anglophones came mainly from British Columbia, Alberta, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick. Also, of the 50,000 Anglophones who were living in Quebec in 2001 and who migrated to other provinces, nearly two-thirds (65%) settled in Ontario while the rest of them mainly chose British Columbia and Alberta.

 Chart 3.7.3.1 Origin of Anglophones who lived in other provinces and territoires in 2001 and who moved to Quebec between 2001 and 2006

 Chart 3.7.3.2 Destination of Anglophones who left Quebec between 2001 and 2006

Many studies have been conducted on the geographic mobility of Anglophones in Quebec—younger ones in particular—toward other Canadian provinces, and it is a problem that concerns many players within Quebec's Anglophone communities.¹⁸ On this subject, the Survey on the Vitality of Official-Language Minorities (SVOLM) includes a module on the mobility of official-language minorities, including intentions to leave the province of residence during the next five years. Chart 3.7.3.3 shows that the intention to move outside Quebec is especially strong among youths aged 18 to 24 compared to Anglophones in other age groups. Thus, nearly one young Anglophone in four reports having such an intention compared to one adult in ten aged 25 to 44 or 45 to 64.

In the population of young Anglophones aged 18 to 24, the intention to leave the province varies according to whether the person lives in Montréal or another region of the province. The Survey on the Vitality of Official-Language Minorities (SVOLM) data show that while 21% of young Montréal Anglophones plan to leave the province in the next five years, the proportion climbs to 29% in the Outaouais, 25% in Estrie and South of Quebec and approximately 40% in the "Rest of the province."

Of the young persons who reported an intention to move, 35% cited Ontario as the main province of destination, while 12% cited British-Columbia as a favoured destination and 24% stated a preference for going outside Canada. Among the reasons cited by young Anglophones as justifying their intention to leave Quebec during the next five years, just under half of young persons cited occupational reasons, 19% cited education-related reasons and nearly 14% cited reasons related to finding a more Anglophone environment.

 Chart 3.7.3.3 Percentage of Anglophone Adults (first official language spoken) who intend to move from Quebec within the next five years, by age group, Quebec, 2006

---

Notes

1. Of course, a language is also transmitted from fathers to their children, but it is usually the mother's language that predominates.
2. In the 1981 Census, 43.8% of children of English-French exogamous couples were transmitted English, while 6% were transmitted both English and French as mother tongues.
3. As noted above, multiple responses were not captured in the 1971 Census, and therefore it is not possible to track the change over time in the transmission of English and French as a double mother tongue.
4. Idem.
5. To establish this ratio, demographers generally look at children living in a two-parent family or a one-parent family headed by a woman, which account for more than 97% of all children in this age group.
6. For an in-depth examination of this approach, see Lachapelle and Lepage, Languages in Canada: 2006 Census, Statistics Canada and Canadian Heritage (forthcoming).
7. As noted earlier, persons with an "other" mother tongue who know only English are assigned English as their first official language spoken, regardless of whether they speak that language most often at home.
8. The sum of the proportions associated with complete and partial transfers in Table 3.4.6 is slightly different owing to rounding of the values associated with each of these two variables.
9. In a number of analyses, people who have both French and English as first official language spoken are equally allocated to the "French" and "English" categories, as is done in table 3.4.8. In Quebec, these people are mainly concentrated in the Montréal region. They are generally persons with another mother tongue who are able to conduct a conversation both in French and in English.
10. The difference is not statistically significant.
11. This finding applies to both the population with English as mother tongue and that with English as first official language spoken.
12. More specifically, these are allophones who immigrated to Canada before 1961 and who were living in Quebec in 2006 at the
    time of the census. The same applies to the subsequent immigration periods.
13. These observations are based on various phenomena that make interpretation difficult. Not only does duration have an effect, but the composition of immigration can vary from one period to another (the period effect), as can the age of immigrants when they arrive (the cohort effect). For example, we do not know whether the language transfers observed took place before or after arrival in Canada. A language transfer may also have taken place in another province, before the person settled in Quebec.
14. The expression "most often" covers cases in which more than one language is reported, whereas the term "predominant" covers only those where a single language is reported.
15. See appendix C for a description of the general index of use of languages in the public sphere.
16. Foreign-born persons include immigrants, non-permanent residents and Canadians born abroad.
17. appendix E provides the same table using the criterion of mother tongue.
18. In particular, see Parenteau, Philippe, Marie-Odile Magnan and Caroline V. Thibault (2008), Portrait socio-économique de la communauté anglophone au Québec et dans ses régions, Montréal: Institut québécois de recherche sur la culture. Also see Floch, William and Johanne Pocock (2008), "The Socioeconomic status of English-speaking Quebec: Those who left and those who stayed," in Bourhis, R.Y. (2008) (Ed.). The vitality of the English-speaking communities of Quebec: From Community Decline to Revival. Montréal, Quebec: CEETUM, Université de Montréal.