Ethnicity, Language and Immigration Thematic Series
Portrait of the Filipino Populations in Canada: A Sociodemographic and Socioeconomic Analysis

The Portrait of the Filipino Populations^Note  in Canada: A Sociodemographic and Socioeconomic Analysis is part of a portrait series that Statistics Canada developed as part of the initiatives under Canada’s Anti-Racism Strategy.^Note  This analytical paper aligns with the Disaggregated Data Action Plan, a whole-of-government approach led by Statistics Canada to enhance data collection, analysis and dissemination that are representative of Canada’s diverse populations.

This portrait provides a high-level descriptive analysis of the sociodemographic, socioeconomic and ethnocultural characteristics of the Filipino populations in Canada. Drawing from multiple sources, including the Census of Population, the Labour Force Survey and the General Social Survey, it examines key areas such as demographic and linguistic diversity, educational attainment, labour market outcomes, occupations, overqualification, and social inclusion. The topics explored in this portrait were shaped through informal engagement and consultation with Filipino community organizations and subject-matter experts.

By highlighting trends in demographics, linguistic profiles, religious affiliation, education, employment and social inclusion, this portrait offers a comprehensive view of how Filipino populations navigate life in Canada. Additionally, it explores how various factors, including immigrant status, gender, generation status and admission category, shape the unique experiences of Filipino individuals and families across the country, using an intersectional approach. This analysis serves as an important resource for understanding the contributions of Filipino populations to Canadian society and the challenges they face. The insights provide information to develop more targeted programs and services to address the unique needs of the Filipino populations in Canada.

Filipino populations in Canada are distinctive for their strong sense of community, high rates of labour force participation, and social networks that facilitate economic and social inclusion. As a predominantly immigrant group, with a large portion of Filipinos immigrating to Canada in recent decades, their experiences reflect a unique blend of transnational ties and adaptation to Canadian society.

• Over 957,000 individuals in Canada reported being Filipino in the 2021 Census, a fourfold increase since 1996. Filipinos represented 2.6% of the total population in Canada and 9.9% of the racialized population, making them the fourth-largest racialized group in 2021.
• According to the latest available population projections, the Filipino populations could number from 1.7 million to 2.4 million people by 2041, constituting 4.0% to 4.6% of the population in Canada.
• In 2021, about 6 in 10 Filipinos (60.6%) resided in Ontario (38.0%) and Alberta (22.6%), followed by British Columbia (18.2%), Manitoba (9.9%), Quebec (4.7%) and Saskatchewan (4.6%).
• Manitoba has the largest share of Filipinos (7.2% of the provincial population), followed by Alberta (5.2%), Yukon (4.9%), the Northwest Territories (4.1%) and Saskatchewan (4.0%). In contrast, Filipinos accounted for 2.6% of the population of Ontario.
• Winnipeg had the highest share of Filipinos compared with all other census metropolitan areas (CMAs). In 2021, 1 in 10 individuals residing in Winnipeg (10.3%) was Filipino.
• While the majority of Filipinos (89.7%) lived in CMAs in 2021, they accounted for the highest share of racialized populations living in census agglomerations (5.7%) and the second-highest share living in rural areas (4.7%), after the Japanese populations.
• Among census agglomerations (CAs), Brooks, Alberta, had the highest share of Filipinos. In 2021, 13.4% of the total population of Brooks was Filipino. Among rural census subdivisions, Neepawa, Manitoba, had the highest share of Filipinos. In 2021, nearly half (46.8%) of Neepawa’s total population was Filipino.
• One-quarter of the Filipino populations (24.7%) were born in Canada, while the majority (75.3%) were born outside Canada. Of the foreign-born population, 98.2% were born in the Philippines—this proportion has been above 95% since the 1996 Census. The remaining foreign-born Filipinos enumerated in the 2021 Census came from various countries, such as the United States, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (for a total of 75 places of birth).
• Among Filipinos in Canada, 97.2% had at least one parent born in the Philippines, and 91.0% had both parents born there. Among foreign-born Filipinos born outside the Philippines, 88.2% had at least one parent born in the Philippines, and 74.8% had both parents born there.
• In 2021, nearly three-quarters (71.5%) of Filipinos were immigrants (individuals who are, or who have ever been, landed immigrants or permanent residents)—a proportion that has remained relatively stable since 1996 (between 69.5% and 74.6%). Among immigrant Filipinos, 7 in 10 (72.6%) immigrated in the previous two decades (from 2001 to 2021).
• According to the 2021 Census, 76.4% of Filipinos who had immigrated to Canada since 1980 were admitted as economic immigrants, 23.1% were sponsored by family and a few came as refugees (0.2%).
• Within the economic immigrant category, the largest group of Filipinos was admitted under the caregiver stream^Note  (42.9%), reflecting a longstanding trend of Filipinos (mainly women) admitted through caregiving programs. Filipino immigrants were admitted at nearly 33 times the rate of the rest of the immigrant population in this category.
• Among Filipino immigrants admitted from 1980 to 1990, 51.1% were admitted as economic immigrants and 48.5% through family sponsorship. By the 2011-to-2021 period, economic immigration rose to 82.3%, while family sponsorship declined to 17.3% and refugees remained below 0.3%.
• Among Filipinos who were admitted as economic immigrants from 1980 to 1990, 70.5% were skilled workers and 27.8% were caregivers. By 2011 to 2021, caregivers (46.1%) and provincial nominees (37.1%) became the primary streams, while the share of skilled workers fell to 11.1%.
• Three-quarters (75.3%) of the Filipino populations were first-generation immigrants, while 22.7% were in the second generation (at least one parent born abroad) and 2.0% were in the third generation or more (both parents born in Canada).
• The Filipino populations in Canada have been predominantly women since the 1996 Census. The ratio of women to men has changed from 1.4 women per man in 1996 to 1.2 women per man in 2021 as the share of Filipino women decreased. This gender distribution largely reflects the immigration admission programs, such as the caregiver programs, under which 32.8% of Filipino immigrant women were admitted to Canada.
• Over half (58.5%) of Filipinos were of working age (aged 25 to 64) in 2021. Children younger than 15 represented 18.4% of Filipinos, followed by 15.0% who were youth (15 to 24 years) and less than 1 in 10 (8.2%) who were 65 and older.
• Tagalog (Pilipino, Filipino) was the most frequently reported mother tongue (58.4%) in 2021, followed by English (44.1%). Beyond these languages, over 50 other mother tongues were reported by the Filipino populations, such as Ilocano (4.5%), Cebuano (2.6%) and Hiligaynon (1.3%).
• Nearly three in four Filipinos (72.4%) reported being Roman Catholic in 2021. Overall, 94.3% of Filipinos reported a religious affiliation; however, reporting having no religion or having secular perspectives increased across generations (11.3% of the second generation and 32.6% of the third generation or more).
• In 2021, nearly half (46.0%) of the Filipino populations aged 25 to 54 held a bachelor’s degree or higher, primarily earned outside Canada, while a notable share (31.4%) held a postsecondary certificate or diploma below the bachelor level.
• Filipino women aged 25 to 54 were more likely to hold a bachelor’s degree or higher (51.8%) than their male counterparts (38.3%) in 2021. This gender gap has more than doubled since 1996.
• According to the 2021 Census, the employment rate of Filipinos aged 25 to 54 was 84.3%, with women (82.2%) less likely to be employed than men (87.2%). Among Filipinos with a bachelor’s degree or higher, women (85.0%) were less likely to be employed than men (90.6%).
• Among immigrants aged 25 to 54 with a bachelor’s degree or higher, unemployment rates were higher among recent immigrants (6.8% for women and 4.8% for men) than among established immigrants (5.6% for women and 4.6% for men). In both groups, women had higher unemployment rates than men.
• Among recent immigrants aged 25 to 54 with a bachelor’s degree or higher, unemployment rates were highest among family-sponsored immigrants (10.7% for women and 5.7% for men), compared with economic immigrants (6.9% for women and 4.2% for men). Within the economic category, women admitted through caregiver streams (6.9%) had higher unemployment rates than those admitted as skilled workers (5.3%) or provincial nominees (5.7%).
• Among Filipinos aged 25 to 54 with a bachelor’s degree or higher, 49.5% were overqualified, meaning they worked in jobs requiring no more than a high school education despite holding a university degree. This rate was more than four times the rate among the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population (11.9%) and above the national average (18.2%).
• The overqualification rate was 50.8% for Filipino women and 47.1% for Filipino men. Among recent immigrants with Canadian-earned credentials, 27.9% of men and 30.1% of women were overqualified. However, the rates more than doubled among those educated in the Philippines (60.4% for men; 63.5% for women).
• Among those aged 25 to 54, Filipinos were more likely to work in health occupations or in sales and service occupations than the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population. In 2021, 28.0% of Filipino women worked in health occupations, more than twice the proportion of non-racialized, non-Indigenous women (11.7%). A notable share of Filipino men (24.7%) and Filipino women (29.6%) were employed in sales and service occupations.
• In 2021, 19.1% of Filipinos held professional and management occupations, compared with 36.2% of the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population. Conversely, over four in ten Filipinos (41.3%) were employed in semi-skilled, labour, and entry-level occupations, compared with 22.9% of the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population.
• Filipino populations reported a strong sense of belonging to Canada (92.0%), at a rate higher than the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population (84.7%). This held across all geographic levels studied, with 89.9% of Filipinos reporting a strong sense of belonging to their province, 89.4% to their town or city, and 87.7% to their local community.
• At the same time, Filipinos (31.6%) were nearly three times as likely as the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population (11.8%) to report having experienced discrimination, especially in a store, bank or restaurant. The most common grounds for discrimination among Filipinos were race or skin colour (22.8%), ethnicity or culture (16.3%), and language (7.9%).

Filipino populations in Canada quadruple from 1996 to 2021

Filipino populations in Canada have quadrupled since 1996, increasing from 234,195 in 1996 to 957,355 in 2021. In 2021, Filipinos represented 2.6% of the total Canadian population and 9.9% of the racialized population, making them the fourth-largest racialized group in Canada. In comparison, in 1996, the Filipino populations accounted for 0.8% of the total Canadian population and 7.3% of the racialized population (Chart 1).

The Filipino populations in Canada was one of the fastest-growing communities from 2001 to 2021, along with the Arab and West Asian populations.^Note  Overall, the racialized population in Canada increased from 3.98 million to 9.64 million over the 20-year period. The population growth for Filipino populations was largely driven by immigration (Statistics Canada, 2023). According to the latest available population projections by racialized group, and based on the low-growth and high-growth scenarios, Filipino populations are projected to reach 1.7 million to 2.4 million people and make up 4.0% to 4.6% of the total population by 2041. Based on these projections, Filipino populations would remain the fourth-largest racialized group in Canada in 2041, after the South Asian, Chinese and Black populations (Statistics Canada, 2022c).

Data table for Chart 1

Data table for chart 1
Table summary
The information is grouped by Census year (appearing as row headers), Born in Canada, Born outside Canada and Filipino populations in Canada, calculated using number and pecent units of measure (appearing as column headers).

Census year	Born in Canada	Born outside Canada	Filipino populations in Canada
	number		pecent
Sources: Statistics Canada, Census of Population, 1996, 2001, 2006, 2016 and 2021; and National Household Survey, 2011.
1996	53,795	174,680	0.8
2001	78,670	229,905	1.0
2006	104,705	305,990	1.3
2011	142,850	476,465	1.9
2016	181,170	598,960	2.3
2021	236,605	720,755	2.6

Three-quarters of Filipinos in Canada are foreign-born, with over 98.2% born in the Philippines

In 2021, the Filipino populations in Canada reported more than 75 different places of birth. Nearly one-quarter (24.7%, or 236,600 individuals) were born in Canada, while the majority (75.3%, or 720,750 individuals), were foreign-born. Of the foreign-born population, 98.2% (707,500 individuals) were born in the Philippines, and this proportion has remained stable since 1996 (95.6% to 98.8%). The remaining 1.8% of foreign-born Filipinos in 2021 (13,250 individuals) were born in countries such as the United States, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, the United Kingdom and Singapore, with each accounting for less than 0.5% of the total population. Among foreign-born Filipinos born outside the Philippines, 88.2% (11,695 individuals) had at least one parent born in the Philippines, and 74.8% had both parents born in the Philippines. In total, 97.1% of all Filipino populations had at least one parent born in the Philippines, and 91.0% had both parents born in the Philippines.

Among Filipinos born in Canada, men (51.7%, or 122,265 individuals) accounted for a slightly higher share than women (48.3%, or 114,340 individuals). In contrast, among Filipinos born in the Philippines, women made up a larger proportion, accounting for 57.8% (408,725 individuals), while men represented 42.2% (298,775 individuals). These differences reflect gendered immigration patterns from the Philippines, with women more likely than men to have immigrated to Canada.

Over three in five Filipinos in Canada reside in Ontario and Alberta

In 2021, the most common province of residence for Filipinos in Canada was Ontario, with 38.0% of these populations (363,650 people) calling the province home. Alberta had the second-largest share of the Filipino populations, with 22.6% (216,710 people), followed by British Columbia, with 18.2% (174,280 people). Manitoba had a notable Filipino presence as well, with 9.9% of the Filipino populations (94,315 people), while Saskatchewan was home to 4.6% (43,760 people). Overall, the majority (55.3%) of the Filipino populations lived in the four Western provinces. This is not the case for any other racialized group except the Japanese populations. Quebec recorded 4.7% of the Filipino populations (44,880 people). Among the Atlantic provinces, Nova Scotia had the largest share of the Filipino populations, with 0.7% (6,615 people), followed by New Brunswick at 0.5% (5,190 people), Newfoundland and Labrador at 0.2% (2,270 people), and Prince Edward Island at 0.2% (1,760 people).

The share of the Filipino populations is most notable in the Prairie provinces, where they account for a larger proportion of the total population compared with other provinces. The largest shares of the population that was Filipino were in Manitoba (7.2%), Alberta (5.2%) and Saskatchewan (4.0%). By contrast, although Ontario and British Columbia were the two most common provinces of residence for Filipinos, Filipinos made up 3.5% of the population in British Columbia and 2.6% in Ontario. Among all provinces, Manitoba had the largest share of racialized residents who were Filipino, at 32.4%. Compared with its share of Canada’s total population (11.5%) in 2021, Alberta accounted for 22.6% of the Filipino populations. Similar patterns were observed in Manitoba and Saskatchewan, which together made up 14.4% of the Filipino populations while representing 6.7% of the national population (3.6% and 3.1%, respectively). As of 2021, Filipinos accounted for more than one‑fifth (22.0%) of the racialized populations in the Prairie provinces. These proportions point to the Prairie provinces, particularly Alberta, as prominent destinations for Filipino migration. In contrast, Quebec accounted for 23.0% of the total Canadian population but was home to 4.7% of the Filipino populations. The concentration of Filipinos in English-speaking provinces in Canada can be understood in relation to historical patterns of settlement, particularly in Western Canada (see A brief history of the Filipino populations in Canada). Linguistic characteristics may have facilitated these patterns, as English is frequently reported as a mother tongue, either alone or in combination with other languages, such as Tagalog, Ilocano and Cebuano, while French is reported by a very small proportion of Filipinos (less than 1%) (see Section 2).

Filipinos account for the largest share of racialized populations in the territories

In 2021, 0.2% of the Filipino populations lived in Yukon (1,945 people), 0.2% in the Northwest Territories (1,665 people) and less than 0.1% in Nunavut (315 people). Overall, 0.4% of the Filipino populations in Canada (3,925 people) resided in the territories. Filipinos represented 4.9% of the population in Yukon, 4.1% in the Northwest Territories and 0.8% in Nunavut. Across the territories, Filipinos accounted for 3.4% of the total population.

Despite their small absolute numbers, Filipinos represented a substantial proportion of the racialized populations in each territory. In 2021, Filipinos accounted for 38.4% of the racialized populations in Yukon, 33.8% in the Northwest Territories and 23.5% in Nunavut. Taken together, Filipinos represented 34.7% of the racialized populations across the territories, the largest share among racialized groups. In 2021, the Philippines was the most common country of birth for immigrants in the Northwest Territories, Nunavut and Yukon (Statistics Canada, 2022c).

The demographic profile of Filipinos in the territories also reveals a pronounced gender pattern. Within the racialized populations, Filipino women accounted for a large share of racialized women in Yukon, the Northwest Territories and Nunavut. In 2021, Filipino women represented 41.3% of the population of racialized women in Yukon, 35.7% in the Northwest Territories and 27.7% in Nunavut.

In Yukon, early Filipino women working as nannies arrived in the mid-1980s through Canada’s Live-in Caregiver Program (LCP) and later sponsored family members to join them, helping to found a growing community in Whitehorse (Alarcon, 2024). Territorial immigration programs (for example, the Yukon Nominee Program, established in the late 2000s to help employers recruit overseas talent) have actively brought in Filipino workers for hard-to-fill roles. Over half of all workers nominated through the Yukon Nominee Program have come from the Philippines. Yukon signed a 2022 memorandum of understanding with the Philippines to streamline the hiring of Filipino workers and protect their rights under the nominee program (Government of Yukon, 2022). These labour and immigration streams, from caregiver visas to nominee and temporary worker programs, have drawn a predominance of Filipino migrants to the North. Many of these migrants are women employed in essential services (from health care and caregiving to hospitality).

The Filipino populations in Canada predominantly reside in census metropolitan areas

The Filipino populations in Canada predominantly reside in urban areas,^Note  with 89.7% of the populations living in census metropolitan areas (CMAs)—urban areas with 100,000 people or more—in 2021, significantly higher than the national average of 73.7%. However, compared with other racialized populations, Filipinos had the lowest share of the population living in CMAs, except for the Japanese populations (88.8%). In 2021, nearly one-third (29.4%) of the Filipino populations in Canada lived in the Toronto CMA. Three-quarters of Filipinos recorded in the 2021 Census lived in six major CMAs: Toronto, Ontario (29.4%); Vancouver, British Columbia (14.8%); Calgary, Alberta (9.3%); Winnipeg, Manitoba (8.8%); Edmonton, Alberta (8.4%); and Montréal, Quebec (4.2%). In comparison, 45.6% of Canada’s total population resided in these six CMAs, highlighting the strong urban concentration of the Filipino populations.

Filipinos made up 10.3% of the population of the Winnipeg CMA, more than in any other CMA.^Note  Filipinos also made up large proportions of the population in many other western CMAs: 8.3% in Red Deer, Alberta; 6.1% in Calgary; 5.8% in Edmonton; 5.5% in Vancouver; 4.9% in Regina, Saskatchewan; and 4.8% in Saskatoon, Saskatchewan. Filipinos made up 4.6% of the population in Toronto, despite the city having the largest number of Filipinos in absolute terms. Other CMAs where Filipinos made up more than 2% of the population were Guelph (2.4%) and Oshawa (2.2%) in southern Ontario, and Victoria, British Columbia (2.2%).

Filipinos account for the largest share of racialized populations in census agglomerations

In 2021, 5.7% of the Filipino populations (54,530 people) lived in census agglomerations (CAs)—urban areas with at least 10,000 people—the highest share among all racialized populations, compared with 2.8% for racialized populations overall.

The Filipino populations in 2021 was distributed across 110 CAs in Canada. The largest Filipino populations among CAs were observed in Wood Buffalo, Alberta (5,940), accounting for 0.6% of the total Filipino population in Canada, followed by Grande Prairie, Alberta (4,370; 0.5%); Lloydminster, Alberta and Saskatchewan (3,230; 0.3%); Brooks, Alberta (1,960; 0.2%); and Whitehorse, Yukon (1,830; 0.2%). The other CAs among the top 10 were Steinbach, Manitoba (1,515; 0.2%); Prince George, British Columbia (1,495; 0.2%); High River, Alberta (1,480; 0.2%); Prince Albert, Saskatchewan (1,455; 0.2%); and Yellowknife, Northwest Territories (1,375; 0.2%). Within CAs, Filipino populations were concentrated primarily in Western Canada, particularly in Alberta, Saskatchewan and Manitoba.

Filipinos were also overrepresented in many of these CAs, compared with the total population and the racialized populations. In 2021, Filipinos accounted for more than 10% of the total population in Brooks (13.4%) and High River (10.5%), followed by Lloydminster (9.0%) and Steinbach (8.6%). They also accounted for about 6% to 8% of the total population in Wood Buffalo (8.1%); Estevan, Saskatchewan (8.1%); Wetaskiwin, Alberta (8.0%); Swift Current, Saskatchewan (7.2%); Grande Prairie (6.9%); and Yellowknife (6.9%).

Filipinos account for the second-largest share of racialized populations in rural areas

In this portrait, a rural area is a CMA and CA influenced zone (MIZ).^Note  In 2021, 4.7% of Filipinos (44,530 people) lived in rural areas of Canada (outside CMAs and CAs), representing 0.8% of the total rural population and 24.6% of the racialized populations living in rural areas. Filipinos accounted for the second-largest rural share among racialized groups, after the Japanese populations (5.8%). By comparison, 1.9% of the overall racialized populations lived in rural areas in 2021. The rural Filipino population was widely distributed across Canada, with 50 or more Filipinos living in more than 200 rural census subdivisions (CSDs).

The largest Filipino population in a rural CSD was observed in Neepawa, Manitoba (2,600), followed by Cold Lake, Alberta (720); Slave Lake, Alberta (715); Hinton, Alberta (675); Whitecourt, Alberta (650); and Banff, Alberta (600). Other rural communities with sizable Filipino populations included Humboldt, Saskatchewan (595); Whistler, British Columbia (570); Taber, Alberta (560); Peace River, Alberta (535); and Edson, Alberta (515).

In 2021, Filipinos accounted for 46.8% of the total population in Neepawa, the highest share observed among rural CSDs, followed by Slave Lake (10.7%), Humboldt (10.2%), Banff (8.8%), Peace River (8.3%), Hinton (6.9%), Whitecourt (6.6%), Taber (6.4%), Edson (6.3%), Cold Lake (4.7%) and Whistler (4.2%).

Compared with other racialized groups, Filipino populations in Canada are predominantly first generation immigrants, with fewer multigenerational ties

As of 2021, three-quarters of the Filipino populations (75.3%) in Canada were in the first generation,^Note  reflecting their relatively recent migration history. Second-generation Filipinos (those with at least one parent born in Canada) made up 22.7% of the Filipino populations, while the third generation or more (those with both parents born in Canada) accounted for 2.0%.

Other racialized populations in Canada had a lower proportion of first-generation immigrants (68.6%) and a higher representation of second-generation individuals (27.4%), with the third generation or more accounting for 4.0%. The broader Canadian population had a significantly different generational profile, with 26.4% being in the first generation, 17.6% in the second generation and a majority (56.0%) in the third generation or more. Most Filipino populations in Canada are still in the early stages of settlement and integration compared with other racialized groups like the Black or Chinese communities, which have more multigenerational representation (Hou, Schimmele & Stick, 2023; Lusis, 2009).

The majority of Filipino immigrants are of working age, while the second generation and third generation or more are predominantly children and youth

The Filipino populations in Canada are diverse in terms of age distribution across generations. First-generation^Note  Filipinos were primarily of working age (25 to 64), while the Canadian-born second generation and third generation or more were younger. In 2021, 70.4% of first-generation Filipinos were aged 25 to 64, reflecting an older working-age profile typical of immigrant populations, while 5.6% were 14 years and younger.

Data table for Chart 2

Data table for chart 2
Table summary
The information is grouped by Age group (appearing as row headers), First generation, Second generation, Third generation or more and Total Filipino populations, calculated using percent units of measure (appearing as column headers).

Age group	First generation	Second generation	Third generation or more	Total Filipino populations
	percent
Notes: Generation status refers to whether or not the person or the person's parents were born in Canada. First generation includes persons who were born outside Canada. For the most part, these are persons who are now, or once were, immigrants to Canada. Second generation includes persons who were born in Canada and had at least one parent born outside Canada. For the most part, these are the children of immigrants. Third generation or more includes persons who were born in Canada with all parents born in Canada. Source: Statistics Canada, Census of Population, 2021.
0 to 14 years	5.6	56.0	70.9	18.4
15 to 24 years	13.1	20.9	17.7	15.0
25 to 64 years	70.4	23.1	10.9	58.5
65 years and over	10.8	0.0	0.5	8.2

In contrast, the second generation had a younger age structure, with 56.0% aged 14 years and younger and 23.1% aged 25 to 64. The third generation or more showed an even younger profile, with 70.9% aged 14 years and younger and 10.9% in the 25 to 64 age group. Specifically, 15.0% of Filipinos were aged 15 to 24, of whom 20.9% were in the second generation and 17.7% were in the third generation or more.

In 2021, over half (58.5%) of Filipinos were of working age (aged 25 to 64) and 15.0% were youth (aged 15 to 24). Overall, compared with the total Canadian population, Filipino populations have a notably younger age structure. In 2021, 18.4% of Filipinos were aged 14 and younger, compared with 16.5% of the overall population, while 8.2% of Filipinos were aged 65 and older, less than half the national share (18.1%). Filipino children still outnumbered Filipino seniors, a demographic pattern that contrasts with Canada’s aging population.

This relatively young age distribution is closely tied to the community’s recent migration history, compared with other racialized groups with deeper generational roots (Hou, Schimmele & Stick, 2023). The population has also aged noticeably over time, with the number of Filipino seniors (65 and older) increasing by 338% from 2001 to 2021 (Hou, Schimmele & Stick, 2023). In 2021, the majority of Filipino seniors were first-generation immigrants. A key demographic feature of this population is the prevalence of intergenerational living. In 2021, 13.5% of Filipinos were living in a multigenerational household, the second-highest rate after South Asian populations. These generational differences are addressed in Section 2 and Section 3.

Immigration continues to drive the growth of the Filipino populations in Canada

The Filipino populations in Canada have been shaped by successive waves of immigration, particularly starting in the 1990s. In 2021, immigrants—individuals who are, or who have ever been, landed immigrants or permanent residents in Canada—made up almost three-quarters (71.5%, or 684,570 individuals) of the Filipino populations. This proportion has remained relatively stable over the past 25 years, varying between 69.5% and 74.6% from 1996 to 2021. Of the immigrant Filipinos living in Canada in 2021, 7 out of 10 (72.6%) immigrated from 2001 to 2021.

Among Filipino immigrants in Canada, nearly half (46.6%, or 318,670 people) immigrated to Canada from 2011 to 2021. Immigrants admitted after 2011 represent nearly half of the total Filipino immigrant population and one-third (33.3%) of the total Filipino populations in Canada.

Filipino immigrants in Canada in 2021 can be divided into several cohorts by period of immigration. A relatively small share of Filipino immigrants (5.4%, or 37,300 individuals) immigrated to Canada before 1980. This share rose slightly for immigrants who were admitted from 1980 to 1990, to 45,815 individuals (6.7%). Filipino immigrants admitted during the 1990s accounted for 104,535 individuals (15.3%) among those living in Canada in 2021. A larger share—26.0%, or 178,255 people—immigrated from 2001 to 2010. The most recent period, from 2011 to 2021, accounted for the largest proportion of Filipino immigrants living in Canada in 2021, with 318,670 individuals (46.6%) admitted during that time. Overall, based on the period of immigration of Filipino immigrants living in Canada in 2021, the size of this population almost doubled with each decade following 1980.

Women consistently outnumbered men among Filipino immigrants across all immigration periods. For example, among those who immigrated before 1980, 59.6% were women, a pattern that persisted in later decades: women made up 61.7% of arrivals from 1991 to 2000 and 56.1% from 2011 to 2021. While the gender gap narrowed slightly in more recent periods, women continued to represent a majority (57.5%) of Filipino immigrants in Canada in 2021.

In addition to immigrants, Filipino populations in Canada include non-permanent residents (NPRs)—people from other countries with a usual place of residence in Canada and who have a work or study permit or who have claimed refugee status (asylum claimants, protected persons and related groups), and their families.^Note  According to the 2021 Census, 31,270 Filipinos were NPRs, representing 3.3% of the Filipino populations. While this percentage is lower than the overall proportion of NPRs among all racialized groups (4.8%), it still reflects the ongoing role that temporary migration plays within the Filipino populations.

Filipino immigration to Canada is predominantly labour-driven

In Canada, immigrants are selected according to three broad objectives: to enhance and promote economic development, to reunite families, and to fulfill the country’s international obligations and uphold its humanitarian tradition. Changes to immigration policies and programs, along with global events, have played a key role in shaping immigration trends in Canada, including immigration trends related to the Filipino populations.

Data table for Chart 3

Data table for chart 3
Table summary
The information is grouped by Year of immigration (appearing as row headers), Skilled workers, Caregivers, Provincial Nominee Program, Other economic immigrants, Immigrants sponsored by family and Refugees, calculated using number units of measure (appearing as column headers).

Year of immigration	Skilled workers	Caregivers	Provincial Nominee Program	Other economic immigrants	Immigrants sponsored by family	Refugees
	number
Note: Other economic immigrants include those admitted under the Federal Skilled Trades Program, the Canadian Experience Class and the Atlantic Immigration Program, as well as entrepreneurs, investors and self-employed people admitted through business immigration programs. Source: Statistics Canada, Census of Population, 2021.
1980	1,020	0	0	15	2,115	20
1981	1,200	0	0	40	1,905	0
1982	1,005	0	0	15	1,785	10
1983	215	190	0	25	1,830	15
1984	150	630	0	25	1,310	20
1985	130	665	0	0	1,100	20
1986	385	480	0	65	1,490	0
1987	1,515	690	0	15	2,565	15
1988	3,495	620	0	35	1,850	15
1989	4,760	1,310	0	70	2,350	20
1990	2,930	1,625	0	80	3,940	10
1991	3,655	1,920	0	25	3,560	55
1992	2,260	2,915	0	85	3,995	45
1993	3,975	5,395	0	75	5,550	40
1994	3,650	3,530	0	85	6,835	15
1995	3,905	3,960	0	10	4,715	25
1996	3,895	3,300	235	40	3,645	20
1997	4,760	1,795	40	40	2,695	10
1998	2,340	2,105	0	0	2,680	10
1999	2,265	2,420	70	35	2,975	0
2000	3,795	2,065	230	20	2,715	10
2001	7,005	1,975	150	20	2,575	15
2002	5,930	1,565	325	0	2,000	20
2003	4,200	2,545	925	0	3,350	20
2004	4,095	3,650	1,200	25	3,335	45
2005	7,420	3,805	1,145	70	3,085	75
2006	4,395	6,315	2,400	45	3,770	80
2007	5,145	5,175	3,885	0	3,885	50
2008	6,075	8,380	3,675	30	3,600	20
2009	3,665	10,290	7,905	45	3,550	30
2010	7,475	12,060	10,940	95	3,845	20
2011	6,340	9,615	13,050	420	3,840	25
2012	5,530	7,665	11,925	890	4,635	20
2013	3,755	7,315	10,360	695	4,265	35
2014	2,505	14,690	12,675	2,530	4,560	40
2015	3,370	23,100	11,085	2,865	5,450	60
2016	3,205	15,760	10,490	3,165	5,520	30
2017	1,600	18,555	8,955	1,580	6,775	15
2018	1,575	14,410	7,765	620	6,725	30
2019	885	7,785	7,020	1,095	7,880	10
2020	285	1,840	3,015	545	3,785	30

The admission categories of Filipino immigrants^Note  in Canada reveal specific trends in the way in which they immigrated to Canada, with economic immigration standing out as the primary category. In 2021, 76.4% of the Filipino immigrant populations (494,475 individuals) had been admitted since 1980 as economic immigrants.^Note  This group constitutes a significant proportion of the Filipino populations, reflecting a focus on skilled labour and economic contributions to the country. Compared with other immigrant populations, the Filipino immigrant populations had the second highest proportions of economic immigrants. Within this group, 58.5% of Filipino economic immigrants were women, the highest share among all economic immigrants. Among the rest of the economic immigrant populations, 48.7% were women. Following the economic category, 149,580 Filipinos, or 23.1%, were admitted through family sponsorship, while 1,085 (0.2%) entered Canada as refugees,^Note  showing that this is not a common path for Filipino immigrants. Compared with 16.8% for the rest of the immigrant population, Filipino immigrants had the lowest proportion of refugees among all immigrant populations.

Historically, the composition of Filipino immigrants has evolved across immigration cohorts. Among those admitted from 1980 to 1990, just over half (51.1%) entered through economic immigration, while a similarly large share (48.5%) were admitted through family sponsorship. This near-parity shifted for the 1991-to-2000 cohort, as economic admissions increased to 62.1% and family sponsorship declined to 37.7%. By the 2001-to-2010 period, economic immigration had become the primary stream, representing 80.8% of admissions, rising further to 82.3% among those admitted from 2011 to 2021. Over the same period, family sponsorship fell steadily, from 48.5% in the 1980s to 18.5% in the 2001-to-2010 period and 17.3% in the most recent decade. Refugees consistently represented a very small share across all cohorts, decreasing from 0.3% in the 1980s to 0.1% for the 2011-to-2021 cohort.

Filipino economic immigrants enter Canada as caregivers at about 33 times the rate of other immigrant populations, while skilled worker representation is lower compared with other economic immigrant populations

The Filipino populations in Canada primarily entered through various economic immigration categories, with caregiver programs, skilled worker programs and the Provincial Nominee Program (PNP) being the most significant streams. Among the 494,475 Filipino economic immigrants, 212,295 people, or 42.9%, were admitted as caregivers, making this category a primary immigration stream for Filipino newcomers, compared with 1.3% for the rest of the economic immigrant populations. Filipinos made up the vast majority of all economic immigrants admitted as caregivers from 1980 to 2021; 82.1% of all women and 87.9% of all men admitted under this stream were Filipinos. Women accounted for approximately two-thirds (67.0%) of the Filipino caregiver population and men for one-third (33.0%). Overall, women admitted as caregivers accounted for 38.1% of all Filipino immigrants admitted to Canada from 1980 to 2021.

Data table for Chart 4

Data table for chart 4
Table summary
The information is grouped by Year of immigration (appearing as row headers), Filipino immigrant men+, Filipino immigrant women+, Other immigrant men+ and Other immigrant women+, calculated using number units of measure (appearing as column headers).

Year of immigration	Filipino immigrant men+	Filipino immigrant women+	Other immigrant men+	Other immigrant women+
	number
Note: Given that the non-binary population is small, data aggregation to a two-category gender variable is sometimes necessary to protect the confidentiality of responses. In these cases, individuals in the category “non-binary persons” are distributed into the other two gender categories and are denoted by the “+” symbol. The category “Men+” includes men, as well as some non-binary persons. The category “Women+” includes women, as well as some non-binary persons. Source: Statistics Canada, Census of Population, 2021.
1983	10	180	15	515
1984	0	630	60	1,335
1985	10	655	65	1,015
1986	15	465	30	715
1987	30	665	40	800
1988	20	605	35	615
1989	30	1,280	60	705
1990	55	1,570	60	920
1991	70	1,845	260	1,125
1992	100	2,815	65	1,190
1993	105	5,290	115	1,605
1994	250	3,280	140	1,125
1995	875	3,085	225	1,090
1996	960	2,345	225	825
1997	405	1,390	115	530
1998	500	1,600	95	430
1999	685	1,740	90	395
2000	500	1,560	105	310
2001	490	1,490	65	345
2002	305	1,260	20	245
2003	670	1,880	75	285
2004	1,020	2,625	85	410
2005	975	2,835	145	425
2006	2,225	4,090	200	500
2007	1,760	3,410	180	450
2008	2,735	5,645	385	1,055
2009	3,655	6,635	425	970
2010	4,235	7,820	430	965
2011	3,865	5,750	285	620
2012	3,180	4,480	385	455
2013	2,585	4,730	255	740
2014	4,095	10,595	555	1,775
2015	9,340	13,755	920	1,475
2016	6,750	9,015	805	1,150
2017	7,640	10,915	1,060	1,610
2018	5,840	8,575	870	1,230
2019	3,240	4,545	530	695
2020	815	1,025	130	285

In contrast, 135,835 Filipino economic immigrants, or 27.5%, were admitted as skilled workers, a considerably lower share than among the rest of the economic immigrant populations (69.3%). The PNP accounted for 26.4% of Filipino economic immigrants (130,335 people), almost twice the rate for other immigrants (13.8%), and 3.2% of Filipino economic immigrants (16,020 people) entered through other economic immigrant streams.^Note 

Historically, the composition of Filipino economic immigrants has shifted markedly across immigration periods. In the 1980-to-1990 cohort, nearly all Filipino economic immigrants entered through federal programs, primarily as skilled workers (71.8%), with caregivers representing 26.6%. For the 1991-to-2000 cohort, the skilled worker share declined to 53.2%, while caregiver admissions rose to 45.3%. For the 2001-to-2010 cohort, skilled workers (38.5%) and caregivers (38.7%) formed similar proportions, and the PNP, introduced in 1998 to help provinces address labour shortages and distribute immigration beyond major cities (Picot, Hou & Crossman, 2023), accounted for 22.6%. Among recent economic immigrants (those admitted from 2011 to 2021), caregivers (46.1%) and provincial nominees (37.1%) became the predominant streams, while the skilled worker share fell to 11.1%. This shift aligns with broader national trends identified by Picot et al. (2023), which show that the expansion of the PNP has increasingly directed immigration toward provincial labour needs, contributing to the growing share of Filipino newcomers admitted through the caregiver and provincial nominee streams. A more detailed analysis of labour-market outcomes by admission category, including the caregiver, skilled worker and PNP streams, is presented in Section 3.

Data table for Chart 5

Data table for chart 5
Table summary
The information is grouped by Census year (appearing as row headers), Men+, Women+ and Total Filipino populations, calculated using thousands units of measure (appearing as column headers).

Census year	Men+	Women+	Total Filipino populations
	thousands
Notes: The sex variable in the Demographic Estimates Program and the two-category gender variable in the 2021 Census are included together in the data table. Although sex and gender refer to two different concepts, the introduction of gender is not expected to have a significant impact on data analysis and historical comparability, given the small size of the transgender and non-binary populations. For additional information on changes of concepts over time, please consult the Age, Sex at Birth and Gender Reference Guide. For the 2021 Census data, given that the non-binary population is small, data aggregation to a two-category gender variable is sometimes necessary to protect the confidentiality of responses provided. In these cases, individuals in the category “non-binary persons” are distributed into the other two gender categories and are denoted by the “+” symbol. The category “Men+” includes men as well as some non-binary persons. The category “Women+” includes women as well as some non-binary persons. Sources: Statistics Canada, Census of Population, 1996, 2001, 2006, 2016 and 2021; and National Household Survey, 2011.
1996	97,850	136,350	234,195
2001	130,995	177,585	308,575
2006	175,640	235,060	410,695
2011	268,885	350,430	619,315
2016	341,800	438,330	780,125
2021	427,755	529,600	957,355

Filipino women outnumber men, but their share has decreased over the past 25 years

Overall, the Filipino populations in Canada comprised 44.7% men and 55.3% women. From 1996 to 2021, the number of Filipino men increased by 337%, from 97,850 in 1996 to 427,755 in 2021. The number of Filipino women increased by approximately 288%, from 136,350 in 1996 to 529,600 in 2021. The ratio of women to men changed from 1.4 women per man in 1996 to 1.2 women per man in 2021.

The gender distribution varies by generation status

The distribution of the Filipino populations in Canada by generation status shows a distinct gender pattern. In 2021, women represented a larger share of the first generation, making up 57.6% of the Filipino populations in this generation, while men represented 42.4%, following the gendered immigration patterns from the Philippines. Working-age first-generation women accounted for nearly one-third (31.2%) of the total Filipino populations, compared with 21.8% of working-age first-generation men. The second generation showed a more balanced gender distribution, with men accounting for 51.7% of the population and women 48.3%. This trend persisted for the third generation or more, with men making up 51.4% and women 48.6%.

In terms of the ratio of women to men, in 2021, the Filipino populations had a ratio of 1.24 women for every man. In the first generation, this ratio was higher, at 1.36 women. For the second generation, the ratio was more balanced, calculated at approximately 0.93 women. Finally, in the third generation or more, the ratio remained close to parity, with about 0.95 women. This highlights that while the first generation of Filipinos is notably women-dominated, the gender distribution in subsequent generations diverges from the near-parity observed among Canadian-born populations. In the overall Canadian population, the gender ratios were more even across generations: 1.07 in the first generation, 0.99 in the second generation, and 1.01 in the third generation or more.

Data table for Chart 6

Data table for chart 6
Table summary
The information is grouped by Generation status (appearing as row headers), Men+ and Women+, calculated using thousands units of measure (appearing as column headers).

Generation status	Men+	Women+
	thousands
Note: Given that the non-binary population is small, data aggregation to a two-category gender variable is sometimes necessary to protect the confidentiality of responses. In these cases, individuals in the category “non-binary persons” are distributed into the other two gender categories and are denoted by the “+” symbol. The category “Men+” includes men, as well as some non-binary persons. The category “Women+” includes women, as well as some non-binary persons. Source: Statistics Canada, Census of Population, 2021.
First generation	305,490	415,260
Second generation	112,355	104,975
Third generation or more	9,910	9,365
Total Filipino populations	427,755	529,600

This trend is closely linked to Canada’s immigration policies, which historically facilitated the entry of Filipino women through caregiver and nursing streams. As a result, the overrepresentation of women in the first generation was partly shaped by labour migration patterns that disproportionately recruited Filipino women into feminized care work. These structural patterns contributed to the demographic composition and the employment trajectories of the Filipino populations in Canada. Gendered differences in education, unemployment and occupational distribution are explored in depth in Section 3.

More than two-thirds of the Filipino populations report only Tagalog or only English as their mother tongue

Linguistic diversity, particularly in terms of mother tongue—the first language learned in childhood and still understood—is a key indicator of a population’s cultural background. Among the Filipino populations in Canada, their linguistic profile reflects their immigrant experiences and the multilingual nature of the Philippines.

In 2021, the majority of the Filipino populations reported either Tagalog or English as their sole mother tongue. Tagalog, also referred to as Pilipino or Filipino, was the most frequently reported language. About half (45.7%) of the Filipino populations in Canada indicated only Tagalog as their mother tongue. The distribution of Tagalog as a mother tongue among Filipinos in Canada closely mirrors the overall distribution of Filipino populations across provinces and territories. For example, Ontario accounted for 38.0% of the Filipino populations and 36.7% of those reporting Tagalog only as their mother tongue, with similarly aligned shares in British Columbia (18.2% and 17.9%) and Alberta (22.6% and 23.4%). In most provinces and territories, the proportion of Filipinos reporting Tagalog as their sole mother tongue was close to the national average of 45.7%, but it was notably higher in Prince Edward Island (58.2%), Manitoba (52.0%) and Nunavut (56.5%), and slightly above the average in Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Alberta and Saskatchewan. Nationally, 1.2% of the total population reported Tagalog only as their mother tongue and identified as Filipino in 2021. This proportion was higher in the Prairie provinces—Manitoba (3.8%), Alberta (2.5%) and Saskatchewan (2.0%)—and in British Columbia (1.6%). In the territories, the proportions were also above the national average, at 2.0% in Yukon and 1.9% in the Northwest Territories, except in Nunavut (0.5%), where the share was lower. The share of individuals who reported Tagalog as their mother tongue among the total population is closely associated with the size of Filipino populations in each region, as nearly half of Filipinos in Canada declared Tagalog as their mother tongue.

A similar pattern was observed across CMAs. Toronto accounted for 29.4% of the Filipino populations and 29.1% of those who reported Tagalog only as their mother tongue, followed by Vancouver (14.8% and 14.7%), Calgary (9.3% and 9.4%), Winnipeg (8.8% and 9.8%), and Edmonton (8.4% and 8.8%). In most CMAs, the proportion of Filipinos reporting Tagalog only as their mother tongue was close to the national average of 45.7%, but it was notably higher in Winnipeg (51.8%); Saskatoon (50.6%); Lethbridge, Alberta (50.9%); Saint John, New Brunswick (53.1%); and Sherbrooke, Quebec (51.0%). The proportion of the total population reporting Tagalog only as their mother tongue and identifying as Filipino was also higher than the national average of 1.2% in several CMAs, including Winnipeg (5.3%), Red Deer (3.9%), Saskatoon (2.4%), Calgary (2.8%), Edmonton (2.8%) and Vancouver (2.4%), Regina (2.3%) and Toronto (2.1%). As with the provinces and territories, this share is closely associated with the size of Filipino populations in each CMA, as nearly half of Filipinos across Canada reported Tagalog as their mother tongue in 2021.

Among Filipino populations, 31.0% reported only English as their mother tongue. English is another official language of the Philippines. In contrast, 0.2% of Filipinos reported French as their sole mother tongue, compared with 5.0% for other racialized groups and 26.0% for the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population. This low share of French speakers among Filipinos is related to their geographic distribution, as relatively few Filipinos in the second generation and third generation or more reside in Quebec. Notably, 54.6% of Filipinos reported non-official languages as their only mother tongue, a figure comparable to that for other racialized populations (57.3%) yet higher than for the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population (8.7%). Moreover, 14.3% of Filipinos provided multiple mother tongue responses, reflecting a rich multilingual heritage. This is the highest proportion among all racialized groups, above the 8.8% observed for other racialized groups and 2.0% among the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population.

Data table for Chart 7

Data table for chart 7
Table summary
The information is grouped by Mother tongue (appearing as row headers), Filipino populations, Other racialized populations, Non-racialized, non-Indigenous population and Total population, calculated using percent units of measure (appearing as column headers).

Mother tongue	Filipino populations	Other racialized populations	Non-racialized, non-Indigenous population	Total population
	percent
Source: Statistics Canada, Census of Population, 2021.
English as a single-response mother tongue	31.0	28.8	63.4	55.0
French as a single-reponse mother tongue	0.2	5.0	26.0	19.5
Non official languages as single reponses mother tongue	54.6	57.3	8.7	21.5
Multiple mother tongues	14.3	8.8	2.0	4.0

In 2021, the most common multiple-response mother tongue combination reported by Filipinos was Tagalog and English (10.9%, or 104,125 individuals). Other frequently reported two-language combinations included Tagalog and Ilocano (0.4%, or 4,020 individuals), English and Cebuano (0.3%, or 3,230 individuals), Ilocano and English (0.3%, or 3,140 individuals), and English and French (0.3%, or 2,925 individuals). Smaller shares reported English and Hiligaynon (0.2%, or 1,595 individuals) and Tagalog and Cebuano (0.2%, or 1,495 individuals), followed by English and Bisaya (0.1%, or 1,100 individuals), Tagalog and Bisaya (0.1%, or 935 individuals), and Tagalog and Hiligaynon (0.1%, or 830 individuals).

Among Filipinos reporting multiple responses with three components or more, the most common combination was Tagalog, English and one or more other non-official languages (0.6%, or 6,060 individuals), followed by Tagalog, English and French (0.3%, or 3,055 individuals). In addition, 0.1% (885 individuals) reported Tagalog and other non-official languages. A further 0.3% (2,945 individuals) reported other multiple-response combinations.

The diversity of Filipino mother tongues mirrors the Philippines’ multilingual landscape. Overall, beyond Tagalog (Pilipino, Filipino) and English, over 50 other mother tongues were reported by the Filipino populations in Canada. Including multiple responses, 58.4% of Filipinos reported Tagalog as their mother tongue, followed by English (44.1%) and several regional languages from the Philippines, such as Ilocano (4.5%), Cebuano (2.6%) and Hiligaynon (1.3%), alone or with other languages. Other regional languages, such as Bisaya, Pampangan (Kapampangan) and Bikol, were also reported in the 2021 Census, although in smaller numbers. These languages reflect the Philippines’ rich cultural and linguistic diversity, as a country home to over 130 distinct languages (McFarland, 1994). These languages, native to specific regions in the Philippines, contribute to the diversity of the Filipino linguistic landscape in Canada. While a majority speaks the official languages of the Philippines, the use of regional languages continues to underscore the linguistic diversity of Filipino Canadians.

Some Filipinos also reported non-Philippine languages as their mother tongue, including Spanish, Arabic and German. This reflects both the Philippines’ colonial history and the diverse migration patterns of Filipinos, who have settled in Canada from various parts of the world.

First-generation Filipinos largely report non-official languages as their mother tongue, while second-generation Filipinos most often report English

The linguistic diversity of the Filipino populations in Canada varied across generations. Among the first generation, which comprised the largest group within these populations (75.3%), non-official languages were the most reported. In this generation, 70.8% reported a non-official language as their only mother tongue, with Tagalog (Pilipino, Filipino) as the most common (59.2%). Other regional languages from the Philippines, such as Ilocano (4.5%) and Cebuano (2.5%), were also frequently reported.

In contrast, second-generation Filipinos—those born and raised in Canada—reported a shift toward official languages as their mother tongue. In 2021, 86.5% reported only English as their mother tongue, while 5.1% reported only Tagalog. Other non-official languages, such as Ilocano and Cebuano, were reported by 0.6% of Filipinos. This shift reflects a generational change in early language exposure within Canadian-born populations.

The decline of non-official languages as mother tongues across generations: Non-official languages nearly disappear by the third generation or more

By the third generation or more, non-official languages as mother tongues nearly disappeared. Among Filipinos in the third generation or more, 0.6% reported a non-official language as their sole mother tongue, with Tagalog (Pilipino, Filipino) being the most common, reported by 0.4%. The vast majority (95.6%) of Filipinos in the third generation or more reported English as their only mother tongue, while 1.5% reported French as their only mother tongue.

The proportion of Filipinos reporting non-official languages, particularly Tagalog, Ilocano and Cebuano, as their mother tongue declined across generations. While first-generation immigrants often learned these languages in childhood before arriving in Canada, Filipinos in the second generation and the third generation or more were more likely to report English as their mother tongue. The share of respondents reporting Tagalog as their sole mother tongue decreased from 59.2% in the first generation to 5.1% in the second, and to 0.4% in the third generation or more. Taken together, these trends point to a strong generational shift toward English, with non-official languages nearly disappearing as mother tongues by the third generation or more.

Data table for Chart 8

Data table for chart 8
Table summary
The information is grouped by Mother tongue (appearing as row headers), First generation, Second generation, Third generation or more and Total Filipino populations, calculated using percent units of measure (appearing as column headers).

Mother tongue	First generation	Second generation	Third generation or more	Total Filipino populations
	percent
Source: Statistics Canada, Census of Population, 2021.
Tagalog (Pilipino, Filipino) as a single-response mother tongue	59.2	5.1	0.4	45.7
Other non-official languages as single response mother tongue	11.6	0.6	0.2	8.9
English as a single-response mother tongue	12.5	86.5	95.6	31.0
French as a single-response mother tongue	0.1	0.3	1.5	0.2
Tagalog and English as multiple mother tongue responses	12.8	5.4	0.7	10.9
Other multiple mother tongue responses	3.8	2.0	1.6	3.4

Multiple-response mother tongues also varied by generation. Reporting both Tagalog and English was most common in the first generation (12.8%), declined in the second generation (5.4%) and was less prevalent in the third generation or more (0.7%). Other multiple-response combinations followed a similar pattern, decreasing from 3.8% in the first generation to 2.0% in the second generation and 1.6% in the third generation or more. Overall, these results point to a generational shift from non-official languages, particularly Tagalog, toward English as the primary mother tongue, alongside a decline in multiple-response reporting across generations. Further insight into language retention can be drawn from the language used most often at home, or knowledge of official languages.

Over 9 in 10 Filipino people in Canada report a religious affiliation

In 2021, the Filipino populations in Canada reported more than 50 distinct religious affiliations. Based on the 2021 Census, the Filipino populations had a high rate of religious affiliation,^Note  with 94.3% reporting a religious affiliation, compared with 65.4% in the total population; 72.5% in other racialized groups; and 62.7% in the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population.

Those who reported having no religion or having secular perspectives made up a small proportion of the Filipino populations (5.7%), compared with over one-third of the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population (37.3%) and about one-fourth of other racialized groups (27.5%).

Data table for Chart 9

Data table for chart 9
Table summary
The information is grouped by Religious affiliation (appearing as row headers), Filipino populations, Other racialized populations, Non-racialized, non-Indigenous population and Total population, calculated using percent units of measure (appearing as column headers).

Religious affiliation	Filipino populations	Other racialized populations	Non-racialized, non-Indigenous population	Total population
	percent
Source: Statistics Canada, Census of Population, 2021.
Christian	93.8	31.3	59.9	53.3
Other religious affiliations	0.5	41.2	2.8	12.1
No religion or secular perspectives	5.7	27.5	37.3	34.6

Nearly three in four Filipino people in Canada report being Roman Catholic

Christianity, specifically Catholicism, is the dominant religion among the Filipino populations in Canada. More than 9 in 10 Filipino people (93.8%) identified as Christian, which is notably higher than the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population (59.9%) and other racialized populations (31.3%). More than three-quarters (77.2%) of Filipino Christians or 72.4 of Filipino populations reported being Roman Catholic. The history of the Philippines, marked by Spanish colonization and the subsequent influence of the Roman Catholic Church, has shaped current religious affiliations among Filipino populations, both in the Philippines and in diasporic communities such as those in Canada (Bonifacio, 2013).

Beyond Christian denominations, 0.5% of Filipinos reported other religious affiliations, including Islam, Judaism, Hinduism and other smaller religious groups. While these groups are numerically limited, especially compared with other racialized populations (41.2%) and the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population (2.8%), they remain present and contribute to religious diversity within Filipino populations.

The rate of religious affiliation among the Filipino populations in Canada decreases across generations

While Catholicism remained the most significant denomination regardless of generation status, the proportion of people reporting this affiliation decreased across generations, from 74.1% in the first generation to 52.7% in the third generation or more. Meanwhile, the proportion of those who reported having no religion or having secular perspectives increased from 3.3% in the first generation to 32.6% in the third generation or more.

Data table for Chart 10

Data table for chart 10
Table summary
The information is grouped by Religious affiliation (appearing as row headers), First generation, Second generation and Third generation or more, calculated using percent units of measure (appearing as column headers).

Religious affiliation	First generation	Second generation	Third generation or more
	percent
Source: Statistics Canada, Census of Population, 2021.
Christian	96.2	88.1	66.3
Other religious affiliations	0.6	0.8	1.5
No religion or secular perspectives	3.3	11.3	32.6

Filipino populations have greater proportions of individuals with a bachelor’s degree or higher than the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population

Nearly half (46.0%) of Filipinos aged 25 to 54 held a bachelor’s degree or higher, a greater share than the 31.7% observed among the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population. At the same time, Filipinos were among the least likely to have no formal education credentials. Among Filipinos, 2.4% had no certificate, diploma or degree, compared with 7.8% of the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population. Similarly, a smaller share of Filipinos had only a high school diploma (20.2%), compared with the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population (22.4%).

A notable share of Filipinos (31.4%) held a postsecondary certificate or diploma below the bachelor level, a rate lower than that of the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population (38.1%) but higher than that of other racialized groups (23.8%). This distribution reflects a pattern of educational attainment among Filipinos characterized by a concentration at the bachelor level. At the same time, Filipinos were more likely than other racialized groups to pursue college or trade pathways below the bachelor level, while the share with an education above the bachelor level remained comparatively lower.

Filipinos have the highest share with a post-secondary credential obtained outside Canada among racialized populations and non-racialized, non-Indigenous population

A defining characteristic of the Filipino populations’ educational profile is where credentials were obtained. Among core-aged Filipinos (25 to 54 years) with a bachelor’s degree or higher, 79.9% were internationally educated, compared with 31.3% of the total population and 14.7% of the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population. Even among those with a postsecondary certificate or diploma below the bachelor level, 43.7% of Filipinos obtained their credential abroad, compared with 9.6% of the total population and 4.0% of the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population.

Degrees in medicine, dentistry, veterinary medicine or optometry show the highest rate of international credential acquisition among Filipinos: 89.5% earned these degrees outside Canada, compared with 44.5% of the total population and 22.9% of the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population. This trend underscores the significant presence of internationally educated individuals.

Data table for Chart 11

Data table for chart 11
Table summary
The information is grouped by Educational attainment (appearing as row headers), Filipino populations, Other racialized populations, Non-racialized, non-Indigenous population and Total population, calculated using percent units of measure (appearing as column headers).

Educational attainment	Filipino populations	Other racialized populations	Non-racialized, non-Indigenous population	Total population
	percent
Source: Statistics Canada, Census of Population, 2021.
No certificate, diploma or degree	2.4	7.9	7.8	8.2
High (secondary) school diploma or equivalency certificate	20.2	17.4	22.4	21.3
Postsecondary certificate or diploma below bachelor level	31.4	23.8	38.1	33.9
Bachelor’s degree or higher	46.0	50.8	31.7	36.6

Filipinos are less likely to hold certificates, diplomas or degrees above the bachelor level than other population groups

In 2021, 5.8% of core-aged Filipinos (25 to 54 years) had completed education above the bachelor level. This share was lower than that of the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population (10.5%) and the lowest share among other racialized population. Put differently, 40.2% of Filipinos with a university education held a bachelor’s degree as their highest certificate, diploma or degree, the largest proportion among all racialized and non-racialized groups.

Bonikowska, Handler and Frenette (2024)^Note  further contextualized the educational outcomes of Filipino youth. They found that while Filipino students often transitioned successfully from high school to postsecondary education, they remained underrepresented in graduate and professional programs. Within six years of starting a bachelor’s degree, 4% were enrolled in graduate and professional programs, the lowest rate among all population groups examined.

The share of Filipinos with a bachelor’s degree or higher has steadily increased from 2006 to 2021

The proportion of Filipinos aged 25 to 54 with a bachelor’s degree or higher has grown steadily over the most recent census cycles. In 2006, 40.0% of Filipinos in this age group held a bachelor’s degree or higher. By 2021, this proportion had risen to 46.0%.

At the same time, the share of Filipinos without a certificate, diploma or degree declined from 2.9% in 2006 to 2.4% in 2021. The proportion of Filipinos with a postsecondary certificate or diploma below the bachelor level also decreased—from 40.4% in 2006 to 31.4% in 2021.

Data table for Chart 12

Data table for chart 12
Table summary
The information is grouped by Educational attainment (appearing as row headers), 2006, 2011, 2016 and 2021, calculated using percent units of measure (appearing as column headers).

Educational attainment	2006	2011	2016	2021
	percent
Sources: Statistics Canada, Census of Population, 2006, 2016 and 2021; and National Household Survey, 2011.
No certificate, diploma or degree	2.9	3.2	2.5	2.4
High (secondary) school diploma or equivalency certificate	16.7	16.4	19.8	20.2
Postsecondary certificate or diploma below bachelor level	40.4	39.3	33.2	31.4
Bachelor’s degree or higher	40.0	41.2	44.5	46.0

From 2006 to 2021, Filipino women are more likely than Filipino men to have a higher-level certificate, diploma or degree as their highest educational attainment

Core-aged Filipino women have consistently outpaced Filipino men in higher education. In 2021, 51.8% of Filipino women aged 25 to 54 held a bachelor’s degree or higher, compared with 38.3% of Filipino men. This gender gap has widened over time. In 2006, the share of women with a bachelor’s degree or higher was 42.2%, while it was 36.6% for men. By 2021, the gap had increased to 13.5 percentage point.

In 2021, the gender disparity was also reflected in lower levels of education. A greater share of Filipino men (32.8%) than women (30.3%) had a postsecondary certificate or diploma below the bachelor level, while men were also more likely to have only a high school diploma (25.6% of men; 16.2% of women).

Data table for Chart 13

Data table for chart 13
Table summary
The information is grouped by Educational attainment (appearing as row headers), Men+, Women+, 2006, 2011, 2016, 2021, 2006, 2011, 2016 and 2021, calculated using percent units of measure (appearing as column headers).

Educational attainment	Men+				Women+
	2006	2011	2016	2021	2006	2011	2016	2021
	percent
Note: Given that the non-binary population is small, data aggregation to a two-category gender variable is sometimes necessary to protect the confidentiality of responses. In these cases, individuals in the category “non-binary persons” are distributed into the other two gender categories and are denoted by the “+” symbol. The category “Men+” includes men, as well as some non-binary persons. The category “Women+” includes women, as well as some non-binary persons. Sources: Statistics Canada, Census of Population, 2006, 2016 and 2021; and National Household Survey, 2011.
No certificate, diploma or degree	3.7	4.0	3.3	3.3	2.4	2.6	1.9	1.7
High (secondary) school diploma or equivalency certificate	19.9	19.5	24.5	25.6	14.7	14.3	16.6	16.2
Postsecondary certificate or diploma below bachelor level	39.9	39.5	34.3	32.8	40.7	39.2	32.5	30.3
Bachelor’s degree or higher	36.6	36.9	37.9	38.3	42.2	43.9	49.0	51.8

First-generation Filipinos tend to have higher education levels than Filipinos born in Canada

Among the Filipino populations aged 25 to 54 in Canada, educational attainment varied notably by generation status. Despite relatively high levels of educational attainment among first-generation Filipino immigrants—nearly half (47.1%) held a bachelor’s degree or higher in 2021—subsequent generations experienced a decline in this level of education, with 38.2% of the second generation and 24.5% of the third generation or more obtaining a bachelor’s degree or higher. Moreover, the proportion of individuals whose highest credential was a high school diploma increased across generations. While 20.0% of first-generation Filipinos reported high school as their highest level of education, this proportion rose to 21.3% among the second generation and 30.8% among the third generation or more.

This lower level of university attainment among the second generation is consistent with the findings of Chen and Hou (2019) on intergenerational educational mobility in Canada. According to Chen and Hou (2019), second-generation Filipino men were the only group among major racialized populations in Canada who did not experience an improvement in university completion rates compared with their immigrant parents. They were less likely than their immigrant fathers to obtain a university degree. Filipino women showed slightly better progress, but their educational gains across generations were still modest compared with those of other groups.

Data table for Chart 14

Data table for chart 14
Table summary
The information is grouped by Educational attainment (appearing as row headers), First generation, Second generation and Third generation or more, calculated using percent units of measure (appearing as column headers).

Educational attainment	First generation	Second generation	Third generation or more
	percent
Source: Statistics Canada, Census of Population, 2021.
No certificate, diploma or degree	2.3	2.7	9.3
High (secondary) school diploma or equivalency certificate	20.0	21.3	30.8
Postsecondary certificate or diploma below bachelor level	30.6	37.7	35.5
Bachelor’s degree or higher	47.1	38.2	24.5

Filipino women of all generations have higher educational attainment than men

Across all generations, Filipino women aged 25 to 54 were more likely than men to hold a bachelor’s degree or higher. Among the first generation, 52.4% of women held a university degree, compared with 39.7% of men. The gender gap was most pronounced among the second generation, where 47.1% of women held a university degree, compared with 29.9% of men. This disparity persisted into the third generation or more, with 27.7% of women obtaining a bachelor’s degree or higher, compared with 21.1% of men.

Additionally, women were more likely than men to hold a postsecondary certificate or diploma below the bachelor level in both the second generation and the third generation or more. In contrast, men were consistently more likely to have no certificate, diploma or degree, a pattern that intensified across generations. Among first-generation Filipinos, 3.3% of men lacked formal educational credentials, compared with 1.7% of women. By the third generation or more, this gap had widened, with 11.3% of men and 7.8% of women not having any certificate or diploma. Educational attainment likewise varied among first-generation Filipino immigrants by period of immigration and admission category. The next section compares established and recent immigrants across family-sponsored and selected economic categories.

Data table for Chart 15

Data table for chart 15
Table summary
The information is grouped by Educational attainment (appearing as row headers), First generation, Second generation, Third generation or more, Men+, Women+, Men+, Women+, Men+ and Women+, calculated using percent units of measure (appearing as column headers).

Educational attainment	First generation		Second generation		Third generation or more
	Men+	Women+	Men+	Women+	Men+	Women+
	percent
Note: Given that the non-binary population is small, data aggregation to a two-category gender variable is sometimes necessary to protect the confidentiality of responses. In these cases, individuals in the category “non-binary persons” are distributed into the other two gender categories and are denoted by the “+” symbol. The category “Men+” includes men, as well as some non-binary persons. The category “Women+” includes women, as well as some non-binary persons. Source : Statistics Canada, Census of Population, 2021.
No certificate, diploma or degree	3.3	1.7	3.6	1.8	11.3	7.8
High (secondary) school diploma or equivalency certificate	25.4	16.2	26.5	15.8	36.1	25.7
Postsecondary certificate or diploma below bachelor level	31.7	29.7	40.0	35.3	31.4	39.3
Bachelor’s degree or higher	39.7	52.4	29.9	47.1	21.1	27.7

Recent Filipino economic immigrants^Note  are more likely than established immigrants to hold a bachelor’s degree or higher

Educational attainment among first-generation Filipino immigrants varied by period of immigration, admission category and gender. Among established economic immigrants admitted before 2011, 52.5% of women and 40.3% of men aged 25 to 54 reported a bachelor’s degree or higher, and about one-third reported a postsecondary certificate or diploma below the bachelor level (32.9% of women; 34.8% of men). High school was the highest level of education for 21.8% of men and 13.2% of women, while a small proportion reported no certificate, diploma or degree (3.1% of men; 1.4% of women).

Established immigrants admitted through family sponsorship had lower levels of educational attainment: 35.5% of women and 23.5% of men reported a bachelor’s degree or higher, and similar proportions held a postsecondary certificate or diploma below the bachelor level (37.0% of men; 38.1% of women). Men sponsored by family were more likely than women to have only a high-school diploma (33.2% of men; 22.9% of women) or no credential (6.3% of men; 3.5% of women).

In contrast, recent immigrants admitted from 2011 to 2021 reported higher levels of university educational attainment across both admission categories. Among recent economic immigrants, 57.7% of women and 44.2% of men held a bachelor’s degree or higher, the highest shares observed among the broader economic immigrant groups. Approximately 27% reported a postsecondary certificate or diploma below the bachelor level, and relatively few had at most a high-school diploma (about 14.9% of women and 25.5% of men).

Recent immigrants admitted through family sponsorship also had relatively high educational attainment: 49.2% of women and 42.8% of men held a bachelor’s degree or higher. Their educational profile was more evenly distributed, with similar proportions reporting a postsecondary credential below the bachelor level or high school as their highest level.

In summary, recent Filipino immigrants had higher educational attainment, particularly those in the economic immigrant category. Across both established and recent cohorts, Filipino immigrant women were more likely than men to hold a bachelor’s degree or higher, while men were more likely to report only a high-school diploma or no credential. The next section compares the educational attainment of established and recent immigrants by gender for selected economic streams.

Among Filipino immigrants, women are more likely than men to hold a bachelor’s degree or higher across economic immigration streams, with the highest levels among recent skilled workers and the lowest among caregivers

Differences in educational attainment among Filipino immigrants also varied across specific economic immigration streams. Among established skilled workers admitted before 2011, 62.2% of women and 49.1% of men reported a bachelor’s degree or higher. Among caregivers, 44.0% of women and 23.7% of men reported a bachelor’s degree or higher, while roughly two-fifths in both groups held a postsecondary certificate or diploma below the bachelor level.

Data table for Chart 16

Data table for chart 16
Table summary
The information is grouped by Educational attainment (appearing as row headers), Established immigrants, Recent immigrants, Skilled workers, Caregivers, Provincial Nominee Program, Skilled workers, Caregivers, Provincial Nominee Program, Men+, Women+, Men+, Women+, Men+, Women+, Men+, Women+, Men+, Women+, Men+ and Women+, calculated using percent units of measure (appearing as column headers).

Educational attainment	Established immigrants						Recent immigrants
	Skilled workers		Caregivers		Provincial Nominee Program		Skilled workers		Caregivers		Provincial Nominee Program
	Men+	Women+	Men+	Women+	Men+	Women+	Men+	Women+	Men+	Women+	Men+	Women+
	percent
Note: Given that the non-binary population is small, data aggregation to a two-category gender variable is sometimes necessary to protect the confidentiality of responses. In these cases, individuals in the category “non-binary persons” are distributed into the other two gender categories and are denoted by the “+” symbol. The category “Men+” includes men, as well as some non-binary persons. The category “Women+” includes women, as well as some non-binary persons. Source: Statistics Canada, Census of Population, 2021.
No certificate, diploma or degree	1.8	1.0	6.1	1.6	2.3	1.5	0.8	0.3	4.4	1.4	1.2	1.3
High (secondary) school diploma or equivalency certificate	15.8	9.6	30.8	15.1	24.7	16.5	8.1	5.1	29.9	14.0	26.6	19.1
Postsecondary certificate or diploma below bachelor level	33.3	27.1	39.3	39.3	32.6	26.5	15.7	11.3	31.4	32.7	28.3	21.6
Bachelor’s degree or higher	49.1	62.2	23.7	44.0	40.3	55.4	75.4	83.4	34.2	51.8	44.0	58.0

Among recent immigrants, the differences across streams were more pronounced. Recent skilled workers had the highest levels of university educational attainment across all groups: 83.4% of women and 75.4% of men held a bachelor’s degree or higher. Very small proportions reported having no credential (0.3% of women; 0.8% of men).

Recent immigrants admitted through caregiver streams were less likely to have completed a bachelor’s degree: 51.8% of women and 34.2% of men held a bachelor’s degree or higher. Relatively larger proportions reported a postsecondary certificate or diploma below the bachelor level. Caregiver streams also had higher proportions of individuals with no certificate, diploma or degree (4.4% of men; 1.4% of women), compared with those admitted through skilled worker programs and the PNP.

Taken together, Filipino immigrant women consistently reported higher levels of university attainment than men across admission categories and periods of immigration. The highest levels were recorded among recent immigrants admitted through skilled worker programs, while the lowest levels were found among caregivers, who tended to have a postsecondary education below the bachelor level. Despite high levels of educational attainment, many Filipino immigrants experience occupational mismatch or downward mobility, a trend known as “deskilling” (Wall & Kow, 2023; Frank et al., 2023). The next section looks more closely at the high rates of overqualification within Filipino populations.

Nearly half of core working-age Filipinos with a bachelor’s degree or higher experience overqualification in the job market, more than four times the rate of the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population

Overqualification^Note  is a key labour market indicator that refers to individuals holding a bachelor’s degree or higher while working in occupations that typically require no more than a high school diploma. This mismatch reflects labour market barriers that limit people’s access to employment opportunities aligned with their education. According to the 2021 Census, 49.5% of core working-age individuals (25 to 54 years) in the Filipino populations were overqualified, more than four times the rate among the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population (11.9%), and significantly above the national average of 18.2%. Gender-based results show that overqualification affected 50.8% of Filipino women and 47.1% of Filipino men. In contrast, the rates were 11.4% for non-racialized, non-Indigenous women and 12.7% for men.

Location of study is also closely linked to overqualification. Among Filipino degree holders educated outside Canada, 57.4% were overqualified, compared with 16.4% among those educated in Canada. Even with Canadian credentials, the rate remained higher than that among non-racialized, non-Indigenous graduates (11.1%). For those educated in the Philippines, overqualification reached 59.6% among Filipino women and 55.1% among Filipino men. Immigrant status compounds these patterns. Among first-generation immigrants in the Filipino populations, the rate stood at 52.8%, compared with 15.3% in the second generation (at least one parent born abroad) and 15.0% in the or more (both parents born in Canada). NPRs had the highest level of overqualification, with a rate of 60.4%. Among immigrants who completed their studies outside Canada, overqualification affected 58.5% of Filipino women and 55.1% of men.

Disaggregating overqualification rates by location of study and immigrant status highlights that Filipino populations consistently had higher overqualification rates than the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population for both men and women, with the largest disparities among those who completed their studies outside Canada (Table 4). In 2021, among immigrants educated outside Canada, the majority of Filipino men (55.8%) and women (59.4%) were overqualified—more than double the corresponding shares among non-racialized, non-Indigenous immigrants (21.5% for men and 25.5% for women). Marked gaps were also observed among non-immigrants who studied outside Canada. Nearly 4 in 10 Filipino men (38.2%) and women (39.5%) were overqualified, compared with about 1 in 5 among the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population (19.3% for men and 19.1% for women). Although overqualification rates were lower among those who completed their degree in Canada, disparities persisted. Filipino men and women continued to experience higher overqualification than their non-racialized, non-Indigenous counterparts among immigrants and non-immigrants.

Recent immigrant women educated in the Philippines have a higher overqualification rate than established immigrants

Whitin Filipino immigrant populations, recent immigrants, those admitted to Canada in the 10 years before the 2021 Census, experienced substantially higher overqualification rates than established immigrants admitted more than 10 years before the census. Overqualification affected 59.4% of recent immigrant men and 62.2% of recent immigrant women, while among established immigrants, the rates were lower, at 38.2% for men and 41.5% for women. Across both recent and established immigrants, Filipino women experienced higher rates of overqualification than Filipino men. Among recent immigrants with a bachelor’s degree, overqualification reached 60.1% for Filipino men and 63.4% for Filipino women, compared with 53.8% and 52.3%, respectively, among those with a university certificate, diploma or degree above the bachelor level. Established immigrants had a similar pattern: 39.7% of men and 42.6% of women with a bachelor’s degree were overqualified, compared with 28.7% of men and 34.7% of women with an education above the bachelor level.

Location of study further widened these gaps. Among recent immigrants who obtained their bachelor’s degree or higher in Canada, overqualification affected 27.9% of Filipino men and 30.1% of Filipino women. By comparison, rates were more than twice as high for those whose highest credential was earned in the Philippines—60.4% for men and 63.5% for women. Among recent immigrants, Filipino women were more likely than Filipino men to be overqualified, irrespective of their location of study. Among established Filipino immigrants, the location of study continued to be strongly associated with overqualification. Those who completed their highest credential in the Philippines had substantially higher rates—46.7% for men and 50.7% for women—roughly three times those of individuals educated in Canada (17.2% for men; 14.2% for women). These patterns are consistent with broader evidence showing that limited recognition of foreign credentials contributes to higher overqualification among immigrants (Houle & Yssaad, 2010; Wall & Kow, 2023). Overall, overqualification is most strongly linked to being a recent immigrant or to holding a credential earned in the Philippines, with women being more overqualified, though not always.

Filipino immigrants sponsored by family experience higher overqualification than economic immigrants

When admission category is considered, a clear pattern emerges. Among recent immigrants educated in the Philippines, overqualification remained very high across major admission categories. Overqualification rates among economic immigrants (59.0% for men; 64.0% for women) and among those sponsored by family (66.1% for men; 60.4% for women) were roughly two to three times higher than the levels observed for their counterparts educated in Canada. Among established immigrants with credentials earned in the Philippines, overqualification also remained elevated, at 44.0% for men and 51.6% for women among economic immigrants, and 55.0% for men and 47.0% for women among those sponsored by family, more than double the rates of those educated in Canada. In contrast, when the highest credential was obtained in Canada, overqualification remained comparatively low for established and recent immigrants. For established immigrants, overqualification was 16.8% for men and 14.0% for women among economic immigrants, and 21.2% for men and 16.4% for women among those sponsored by family. For recent immigrants, the rates rose to 27.7% for men and 32.4% for women among economic immigrants, and 31.3% for men and 20.6% for women among those sponsored by family.

Those admitted through caregiver streams record the highest overqualification rates in 2021, reaching over 70% among recent immigrants educated in the Philippines

Among economic immigrants, those admitted through caregiver streams consistently showed the highest overqualification rates. Among recent immigrants educated in the Philippines, caregiver overqualification reached 74.3% for women and 70.3% for men, roughly three times the levels observed among recent skilled workers educated in Canada. Overqualification rates were next highest among provincial nominees (60.0% for women; 58.5% for men) and skilled workers (41.9% for women; 44.7% for men). For established immigrants educated in the Philippines, caregiver overqualification also remained elevated, at 62.7% for women and 59.8% for men, compared with 55.3% for women and 51.1% for men among provincial nominees, and 34.4% for women and 35.4% for men among skilled workers. Even among recent immigrants educated in Canada, those admitted through caregiver streams continued to exhibit higher overqualification rates (43.6% for women; 29.4% for men) than provincial nominees (32.6% for women; 35.3% for men) and skilled workers (14.3% for women; 22.0% for men). Overall, the highest overqualification rates were recorded among caregivers, particularly recent immigrants educated in the Philippines. Although overqualification reveals clear inequities in occupation level and education alignment, the overall labour-market profile of core-aged Filipinos remains shaped by high participation and employment rates, as explored in the following section.

Filipino populations aged 25 to 54 have higher labour market participation and employment rates and lower unemployment rates than other populations

Based on the Labour Force Survey of February 2026, among the core working-age population (25 to 54 years), the labour force participation rate of Filipinos reached 93.4%, the highest across all racialized groups. This rate surpasses that of the total population (88.4%); the racialized population (86.9%); and the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population (88.7%).

Among the working-age population, Filipinos also had the highest employment rate, at 89.6%, above the rates for the total population (82.8%); the racialized population (80.2%); and the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population (84.4%). In addition, the unemployment rate for core-aged Filipinos was among the lowest, at 4.0%, compared with 5.9% for the total population; 7.7% for the racialized population; and 4.8% for the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population.

Based on the 2021 Census, core-aged Filipinos had high levels of labour market engagement, with a participation rate of 90.4%, exceeding that of other racialized groups (82.5%) and the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population (87.5%). The employment rate for the Filipino populations was also higher, at 84.3%, compared with 73.7% for other racialized groups and 81.3% for the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population.

According to the 2021 Census, the core working-age unemployment rate for Filipinos was 6.8%, compared with 10.7% for other racialized groups; 7.2% for the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population; and 8.3% for the total population.

Data table for Chart 17

Data table for chart 17
Table summary
This table displays the results of Data table for chart 17 Filipino populations, Other racialized populations, Non-racialized, non-Indigenous population and Total population, calculated using percent units of measure (appearing as column headers).

	Filipino populations	Other racialized populations	Non-racialized, non-Indigenous population	Total population
	percent
Source: Statistics Canada, Census of Population, 2021.
Participation rate	90.4	82.5	87.5	85.6
Employment rate	84.3	73.7	81.3	78.5

Gender-based differences in labour market participation for core-aged Filipino populations show stability over time, while unemployment rates increase for men and women from 2016 to 2021

Labour market participation and employment rates varied by gender within the core-aged Filipino populations from 2016 to 2021. Among Filipino men aged 25 to 54, the participation rate decreased from 93.6% in 2016 to 93.1% in 2021, and the employment rate decreased from 89.6% to 87.2% over the same period. Among core-aged Filipino women, the participation rate decreased from 89.4% in 2016 to 88.5% in 2021, and the employment rate decreased from 85.8% to 82.2%.

Data table for Chart 18

Data table for chart 18
Table summary
The information is grouped by Gender (appearing as row headers), 2016, 2021, Participation rate, Employment rate, Participation rate and Employment rate, calculated using percent units of measure (appearing as column headers).

Gender	2016		2021
	Participation rate	Employment rate	Participation rate	Employment rate
	percent
Note: Given that the non-binary population is small, data aggregation to a two-category gender variable is sometimes necessary to protect the confidentiality of responses. In these cases, individuals in the category “non-binary persons” are distributed into the other two gender categories and are denoted by the “+” symbol. The category “Men+” includes men, as well as some non-binary persons. The category “Women+” includes women, as well as some non-binary persons. Sources: Statistics Canada, Census of Population, 2016 and 2021.
Men+	93.6	89.6	93.1	87.2
Women+	89.4	85.8	88.5	82.2

From 2016 to 2021, unemployment rose across all generation groups within the core-aged Filipino populations. These increases align with broader labour-market disruptions associated with the COVID-19 pandemic, and this trend was also observed among the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population.

Among first-generation Filipinos, unemployment rose from 4.1% to 6.0% for men and from 4.0% to 7.0% for women. Although both groups saw increases, the gap was more important for women. Among second-generation Filipinos, unemployment increased from 5.2% to 9.0% among men and from 4.9% to 7.8% among women. Among Filipinos in the third generation or more, unemployment climbed from 7.0% to 10.2% for men, while women saw a decline from 9.3% to 7.8%, narrowing the gender gap.

Data table for Chart 19

Data table for chart 19
Table summary
The information is grouped by Generation status (appearing as row headers), Unemployement rate, 2016, 2021, Men+, Women+, Men+ and Women+, calculated using percent units of measure (appearing as column headers).

Generation status	Unemployment rate
	2016		2021
	Men+	Women+	Men+	Women+
	percent
Note: Given that the non-binary population is small, data aggregation to a two-category gender variable is sometimes necessary to protect the confidentiality of responses. In these cases, individuals in the category “non-binary persons” are distributed into the other two gender categories and are denoted by the “+” symbol. The category “Men+” includes men, as well as some non-binary persons. The category “Women+” includes women, as well as some non-binary persons. Sources: Statistics Canada, Census of Population, 2016 and 2021.
First generation	4.1	4.0	6.0	7.0
Second generation	5.2	4.9	9.0	7.8
Third generation or more	7.0	9.3	10.2	7.8

In both census years, first-generation Filipinos had lower unemployment rates than those in the second generation and third generation or more. As noted earlier in the portrait, the first generation is the most highly educated and exhibits the highest rates of overqualification, compared with the second generation and third generation or more. This means that the majority of first-generation Filipinos remain employed in positions below their qualification level rather than outside the labour market altogether.

Higher educational attainment within the Filipino populations is associated with stronger labour market outcomes

Filipinos in the core working-age group (25 to 54 years) had high participation and employment rates, with both increasing alongside levels of education. These labour market outcomes reflect the high educational attainment observed among Filipinos earlier in the portrait. As of 2021, the employment rate of core-aged Filipinos with a bachelor’s degree or higher was 87.0%, compared with 79.7% among those with a high school diploma and 70.2% among those without a certificate, diploma or degree. Among Filipinos with a bachelor’s degree or higher, women (85.0%) were less likely to be employed than men (90.6%).

Data table for Chart 20

Data table for chart 20
Table summary
This table displays the results of Data table for chart 20 No certificate, diploma or degree, High (secondary) school diploma or equivalency certificate, Postsecondary certificate or diploma below bachelor level and Bachelor's degree or higher, calculated using percent units of measure (appearing as column headers).

	No certificate, diploma or degree	High (secondary) school diploma or equivalency certificate	Postsecondary certificate or diploma below bachelor level	Bachelor's degree or higher
	percent
Source: Statistics Canada, Census of Population, 2021.
Participation rate	78.1	87.0	90.4	92.2
Employment rate	70.2	79.7	83.9	87.0

Unemployment rates also varied by gender and educational attainment. Among core-aged Filipino men, the unemployment rate ranged from 9.9% for those without a certificate, diploma or degree to 4.9% for those with a bachelor’s degree or higher. A similar pattern was observed among core-aged Filipino women, though their unemployment rates were consistently higher. Women without a certificate, diploma or degree had an unemployment rate of 10.3%, compared with 6.1% for those with a bachelor’s degree or higher. Similar to earlier results, among those with a bachelor’s degree or higher, women (6.1%) were more likely to be unemployed than men (4.9%). While higher education improves labour market outcomes for core-aged men and women, gender differences persist in employment opportunities within the Filipino populations. The following subsections look more closely at how these outcomes differ by period of immigration, gender and admission category.

Data table for Chart 21

Data table for chart 21
Table summary
The information is grouped by Gender (appearing as row headers), Unemployment rate, No certificate, diploma or degree, High (secondary) school diploma or equivalency certificate, Postsecondary certificate or diploma below bachelor level and Bachelor's degree or higher, calculated using percent units of measure (appearing as column headers).

Gender	Unemployment rate
	No certificate, diploma or degree	High (secondary) school diploma or equivalency certificate	Postsecondary certificate or diploma below bachelor level	Bachelor's degree or higher
	percent
Note: Given that the non-binary population is small, data aggregation to a two-category gender variable is sometimes necessary to protect the confidentiality of responses. In these cases, individuals in the category “non-binary persons” are distributed into the other two gender categories and are denoted by the “+” symbol. The category “Men+” includes men, as well as some non-binary persons. The category “Women+” includes women, as well as some non-binary persons. Source: Statistics Canada, Census of Population, 2021.
Men+	9.9	7.7	6.7	4.9
Women+	10.3	9.2	7.6	6.1

Among Filipino immigrants aged 25 to 54 with a bachelor’s degree or higher, recent immigrants experience higher unemployment than established immigrants

Core-aged Filipinos generally had high participation and employment rates, along with comparatively low unemployment. However, the aggregated results mask important differences within the Filipino immigrant population. Among immigrants aged 25 to 54 with a bachelor’s degree or higher, unemployment rates were higher among recent immigrants (6.8% for women and 4.8% for men) than among established immigrants (5.6% for women and 4.6% for men). In both groups, women experienced higher unemployment rates than men. Despite these higher unemployment levels, recent Filipino immigrants remained strongly attached to the labour market. Among recent immigrants aged 25 to 54 with a bachelor’s degree or higher, employment rates reached 83.4% for women and 91.4% for men, though these levels were lower than those for established immigrants.

Core-aged Filipino women who immigrated recently experience the highest unemployment levels, especially those admitted under family sponsorship or through caregiver streams

Admission categories provide additional insight into labour-market patterns among core-aged Filipino immigrants. Among recent immigrants aged 25 to 54 with a bachelor’s degree or higher, family-sponsored immigrants were more likely to be unemployed (10.7% for women and 5.7% for men) than economic immigrants (6.2% for women and 4.5% for men). Filipino immigrant women with a bachelor’s degree or higher recently admitted under family sponsorship (83.0%) were also less likely to participate in the labour force than those admitted under the economic category (90.4%). For men, participation rates were 94.1% for family-sponsored immigrants and 96.4% among economic immigrants.

Among established immigrants aged 25 to 54 with a bachelor’s degree or higher, unemployment levels were lower overall but followed a similar pattern. Family-sponsored immigrants were more likely to be unemployed than economic immigrants. Within the economic immigrant category, recent Filipino immigrants admitted through caregiver streams were more likely to be unemployed than those admitted as skilled workers or provincial nominees. Across admission categories, recent Filipino immigrant women were the most likely to experience unemployment. The following section examines another dimension of labour-market conditions among core-aged Filipinos by focusing on the class of workers, including paid employment and self-employment.

Filipino populations have a higher proportion of employees and lower self-employment rates than other populations

Filipino populations in Canada are predominantly composed of employees rather than self-employed individuals. In 2021, 94.6% of core-aged Filipino workers were employees, a significantly higher proportion compared with other racialized populations (84.5%) and the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population (86.6%). The share of self-employed core-aged Filipinos was 5.4%, lower than among other racialized populations (15.5%) and the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population (13.4%).

When disaggregated by gender, Filipino men and women have similar overall employment and self-employment rates. Among Filipinos aged 25 to 64, 5.7% of men and 5.7% of women were self-employed. These figures contrast with broader labour market trends in Canada, where self-employment rates were typically higher among men. Filipinos are the only major racialized group with no gender gap in self-employment rates. However, the absence of a gender gap in the rate does not equate to equal outcomes, as Filipino women disproportionately occupy lower-skilled, less stable forms of self-employment even when highly educated (Uppal, 2023), a point that is developed further in the next section.

A higher proportion of self-employed Filipino men are in professional and managerial roles, while a larger share of women work in semi-skilled, labour and entry-level occupations

Among self-employed Filipinos aged 25 to 54, 29.6% of men and 25.7% of women were in professional and management occupations: 12.3% of self-employed men and 9.3% of self-employed women were classified under training, education, experience and responsibilities (TEER)^Note  category 0 (management occupations), and 17.4% of self-employed men and 16.4% of self-employed women were classified under TEER 1 (professional occupations).

A larger share of self-employed Filipino women were classified under TEER 4 (semi-skilled occupations) and TEER 5 (labour and entry-level occupations); 32.8% of self-employed women were in these lower TEER occupations, compared with 25.3% of men. This gap is consistent across education levels. Among those with a bachelor’s degree or higher, 46.0% of self-employed men were in professional and managerial roles, compared with 33.0% of women. The largest gap was observed in TEER 1 occupations, which included 33.4% of self-employed men with a university degree, compared with 25.2% of similarly educated self-employed women.

Filipino women were more likely to be self-employed in TEER 4 and TEER 5 jobs, even with higher education levels. Among self-employed Filipinos with a bachelor’s degree or higher, 27.2% of women worked in TEER 4 and TEER 5 occupations, compared with 19.1% of men. The same trend is observed among those with lower educational attainment. Among self-employed Filipinos with only a high school diploma, 47.6% of women and 35.4% of men were in TEER 4 and TEER 5 jobs.

These patterns align with findings by Uppal (2023), who noted that Filipino women have one of the lowest self-employment rates among racialized women in Canada. Their most common self-employment occupations—Support occupations in cleaning and related services (14.4%) and Home care provider occupations (7.5%)—reflect the continuation of gendered labour roles tied to caregiving and support sectors.

Filipinos are less likely to work in professional and management occupations and more likely to work in semi-skilled, labour and entry-level occupations, compared with the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population

Among the core-aged population, Filipinos were less likely to be classified under training, education, experience and responsibilities (TEER) category 0 (management occupations)^Note  and TEER 1 (professional occupations),^Note  compared with the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population. In 2021, 19.1% of Filipinos held professional and management occupations, compared with 36.2% of the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population. This disparity was consistent for men and women, with 17.1% of Filipino men and 20.6% of Filipino women in professional and management occupations, compared with 33.4% and 39.2%, respectively, among their non-racialized, non-Indigenous counterparts.

Conversely, Filipinos were more likely to be classified under TEER 4 (semi-skilled occupations)^Note  and TEER 5 (labour and entry-level occupations),^Note  lower-skill occupations requiring a high school diploma or less, minimal training, and no formal education. Over two in five Filipinos (41.3%) were employed in these lower-skill occupations, compared with 22.9% of the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population. The pattern held for both genders, with 44.4% of Filipino men and 39.0% of Filipino women working in semi-skilled, labour and entry-level occupations (TEER 4 and TEER 5), compared with 22.5% and 23.2%, respectively, of non-racialized, non-Indigenous men and women.

Filipinos are more likely to work in health and sales and service occupations than other population groups

Sales and service occupations, as defined by the National Occupational Classification (NOC) (NOC 6), accounted for the largest share of core-aged Filipino workers (27.5%) in 2021, 2.9 percentage points higher than for other racialized populations (24.6%) and 8.7 percentage points higher than for non-racialized, non-Indigenous workers (18.8%). This sector includes retail, food services and customer support, where Filipino workers were overrepresented. Filipino women represented 4.8% of all core-aged women in sales and service occupations, and Filipino men accounted for 3.9% of core-aged men in these occupations. However, Filipinos (10.3%) were half as likely as the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population (21.1%) to be employed in management and professional sales and service occupations (TEER 0 and TEER 1). This gap persisted for men (11.0% versus 26.4%) and women (9.9% versus 17.0%). Almost two-thirds (67.3%) of Filipinos in sales and service occupations worked in semi-skilled, labour and entry-level occupations (TEER 4 and TEER 5)—70.6% of Filipino women and 62.2% of Filipino men. While sales and service jobs provide employment opportunities, they are also associated with lower wages and less job stability, compared with professional and technical occupations (Statistics Canada, 2021).

Data table for Chart 22

Data table for chart 22
Table summary
The information is grouped by Occupational category (appearing as row headers), Total population, Filipino populations, Other racialized populations and Non-racialized, non-Indigenous population, calculated using percent units of measure (appearing as column headers).

Occupational category	Total population	Filipino populations	Other racialized populations	Non-racialized, non-Indigenous population
	percent
Source: Statistics Canada, Census of Population, 2021.
Legislative and senior management	1.3	0.2	0.8	1.5
Business, finance and administration	18.3	14.6	19.2	18.2
Natural and applied sciences and related occupations	9.7	6.0	13.5	8.7
Health	8.9	19.3	8.9	8.5
Education, law and social, community and government services	14.0	7.8	10.9	15.4
Art, culture, recreation and sport	3.4	1.6	2.7	3.7
Sales and service	20.8	27.5	24.6	18.8
Trades, transport and equipment operators and related occupations	17.1	12.0	13.9	18.3
Natural resources, agriculture and related production	2.3	1.0	0.8	2.8
Manufacturing and utilities	4.4	10.1	4.7	4.0

Among core-aged (25 to 54 years) Filipino populations in Canada, 19.3% worked in health occupations, the second most frequent occupational group for Filipinos in 2021. The share of core-aged Filipinos in health occupations was 10.8 percentage points higher than that of non-racialized, non-Indigenous workers (8.5%) and 10.4 percentage points higher than that of other racialized populations (8.9%). Filipino women represented 7.3% of core-aged women in health occupations, and Filipino men accounted for 6.9% of core-aged men. However, Filipinos (27.3%) were less likely to work in management and professional health occupations (TEER 0 and TEER 1), compared with the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population (50.8%). This gap was observed for men (31.7% versus 55.8%) and women (26.3% versus 49.8%).

Similarly, 10.1% of Filipinos worked in occupations in manufacturing and utilities, 6.1 percentage points higher than the share of non-racialized, non-Indigenous workers (4.0%) and 5.4 percentage points higher than that of other racialized populations (4.7%). Filipino women represented 8.9% of all core-aged women in these occupations, and Filipino men accounted for 7.2% of core-aged men. However, Filipinos (2.2%) were almost six times less likely to work in management and professional occupations in manufacturing and utilities (TEER 0 and TEER 1), compared with the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population (13.2%). This gap persisted for men (2.3% versus 13.2%) and women (2.0% versus 13.1%). Also, 89.4% of Filipinos in occupations in manufacturing and utilities worked in semi-skilled, labour and entry-level occupations (TEER 4 and TEER 5), compared with 64.6% for the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population. This gap persisted for men (87.9% versus 61.8%) and women (92.4% versus 74.1%).

Filipino workers (14.6%) in the core-age group were less likely to be employed in business, finance and administration occupations (NOC 1) than other racialized workers (19.2%) and non-racialized, non-Indigenous workers (18.2%), differences of 4.6 percentage points and 3.6 percentage points, respectively. Among Filipinos employed in business, finance and administration occupations in 2021, 37.3% worked in semi-skilled, labour and entry-level occupations (TEER 4 and TEER 5), compared with 22.9% for the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population. This gap was observed among men (42.4% versus 22.2%) and women (35.1% versus 23.2%).

Additionally, 12.0% of core-aged Filipinos were employed in trades, transport and equipment operators and related occupations (NOC 7), compared with 18.3% of non-racialized, non-Indigenous workers, a gap of 6.3 percentage points. While the largest share of non-racialized, non-Indigenous men (32.6%) were employed in this sector, the share was lower among Filipino men (24.7%). Their lower representation in skilled trades suggests a divergence from broader employment trends among non-racialized, non-Indigenous men, who were more likely to be employed in these fields. Among Filipinos in this sector, 39.3% worked in semi-skilled, labour and entry-level occupations (TEER 4 and TEER 5), twice the share among the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population (20.2%), with a persistent gap for men (37.0% versus 19.0%) and women (58.9% versus 32.9%).

Core-aged Filipino women are more likely to work in health assisting occupations and less likely to work in professional and specialized middle management occupations in health, compared with the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population

The occupational distribution of Filipino men and women in the core-age group differs from both that of other racialized populations and that of non-racialized, non-Indigenous workers. Filipino women (28.0%) were more likely to work in health occupations (NOC 3), compared with women in other racialized groups (13.8%) and non-racialized, non-Indigenous women (14.5%), gaps of 14.2 percentage points and 13.5 percentage points, respectively. Among all core-aged women working in health occupations, 7.3% were Filipino. In 2021, the largest population group for internationally educated health care professionals in Canada was Filipino (25.5%) (Frank et al., 2023). This trend reflects a longstanding pattern shaped by migration policies and labour market demands in Canada’s health care sector.

Among Filipino women working in health occupations, 58.5% were employed in assisting occupations in support of health services (NOC 33), compared with 24.5% for non-racialized, non-Indigenous women. Among assisting occupations in support of health services (NOC 331), the most common roles were nurse aides, orderlies and patient service associates (NOC 33102), accounting for 84.0% of all assisting occupations in support of health services. Filipino women in health occupations were less likely to work in professional occupations in health (NOC 31) (25.4%), in technical occupations in health (NOC 32) (15.2%) and in specialized middle management occupations in health care (NOC 30) (0.9%), compared with non-racialized, non-Indigenous women (47.1%, 25.7% and 2.7%, respectively).

Among Filipino men in health occupations, 45.9% worked in assisting occupations in support of health services, compared with 16.3% of non-racialized, non-Indigenous men. Filipino men in health occupations were more likely than women to work in professional occupations in health (30.5% versus 25.4%, a difference of 5.1 percentage points), but less likely to do so than non-racialized, non-Indigenous men (51.8%). They were also more likely than women to work in technical occupations in health (22.4% versus 15.2%, a difference of 7.2 percentage points). Compared with other racialized populations and the non-racialized, non-Indigenous group, Filipinos were more concentrated in assisting occupations in support of health services, while other groups had a higher share of workers in professional occupations in health. For example, physicians and veterinarians accounted for 1.5% of core-aged Filipino men and 0.5% of core-aged Filipino women working in health occupations, compared with 18.6% and 5.3%, respectively, among the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population. Filipinos were also less likely to work in specialized middle management occupations in health care (NOC 30) (1.2% of Filipino men and 0.9% of Filipino women, compared with 3.9% and 2.7%, respectively, among the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population).

Sales and service occupations is the largest occupational group for core-aged Filipinos, with roughly half of sales and service workers in support occupations

With 29.6% of Filipino women and 24.7% of Filipino men working in sales and service occupations, this was the most common occupational category for Filipino workers in the core-age group. Filipino women were more likely to work in sales and service occupations than men, with a 4.9 percentage point difference. However, roles within this sector varied by gender. Filipino women were more likely to work in customer service, personal services and cleaning-related occupations, while Filipino men were more likely to work in retail management, wholesale trade and janitorial services.

Among those employed in sales and service occupations, nearly half (50.4%) of core-aged Filipino women and 43.8% of Filipino men worked in sales and service support occupations (NOC 65). Among those in sales and service support occupations, 52.0% of core-aged Filipino women and 38.5% of Filipino men were employed in support occupations in cleaning and related services (NOC 653), a gender gap of 13.5 percentage points. The majority of Filipino women (77.2%) in this field worked as light duty cleaners, janitors or caretakers, while 47.4% of Filipino men held similar roles. Compared with other racialized populations and the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population, a higher share of Filipinos worked in cleaning and related services occupations, whereas other groups had a higher share of workers in retail sales, food services and administrative support. While core-aged Filipino men (11.0%) were more likely than core-aged Filipino women (9.9%) to be employed in middle management positions in retail and wholesale trade, higher proportions of non-racialized, non-Indigenous men (26.4%) and women (17.0%) held similar positions.

Occupational distribution among core-aged Filipino immigrants differs by period of immigration, with recent immigrants more likely to be employed in sales and service occupations and established immigrants more likely to be employed in business, finance and administration occupations, while the share employed in health occupations is similar for both groups

Among core-aged Filipino immigrants, recent immigrants were more likely than established immigrants to work in sales and service occupations (32.0% versus 23.3%) and in occupations in manufacturing and utilities (13.3% versus 8.8%). In contrast, a higher proportion of established immigrants worked in business, finance and administration occupations (17.9% versus 10.4%) and in natural and applied sciences and related occupations (7.7% versus 3.7%). The share employed in health occupations was similar across both groups, at 20.5% among established Filipino immigrants and 19.8% among recent immigrants.

Among core-aged Filipino immigrant women, a higher proportion of established immigrants (22.7%) than recent immigrants (12.8%) were employed in business, finance and administration occupations. In contrast, recent immigrant women were more likely to work in sales and service occupations (35.3% versus 25.6%). Health occupations remained important for both groups, accounting for 29.6% of established immigrant women and 28.5% of recent immigrant women.

Among core-aged Filipino immigrant men, established immigrants were more likely than recent immigrants to be employed in business, finance and administration occupations (11.8% versus 7.1%) and in natural and applied sciences and related occupations (12.9% versus 6.1%). Recent immigrants, in contrast, were more likely to work in sales and service occupations (27.5% versus 20.4%) and in occupations in manufacturing and utilities (20.5% versus 13.6%). Health occupations accounted for 8.5% of established immigrant men and 7.9% of recent immigrant men.

Established Filipino immigrants are more likely to work in professional and management occupations, while recent Filipino immigrants are more likely to work in semi-skilled, labour and entry-level occupations

Among established Filipino immigrants aged 25 to 54, 23.4% worked in professional and management occupations, compared with 11.6% of recent immigrants. Conversely, 49.3% of recent immigrants worked in TEER 4 and TEER 5 occupations, compared with 36.2% of established immigrants.

The pattern was more pronounced among Filipino men—20.5% of established immigrant men held professional and management occupations, compared with 10.3% of recent immigrant men. At the same time, 53.9% of recent immigrant men were employed in semi-skilled, labour and entry-level occupations (TEER 4 and TEER 5), compared with 39.0% of established immigrant men. Among core-aged Filipino women, established immigrants were more likely than recent immigrants to work in professional and management occupations (25.6% versus 12.6%), whereas recent immigrant women were more likely to work in semi-skilled, labour and entry-level occupations (TEER 4 and TEER 5) (46.0% versus 34.1%).

Across major occupational groups, established Filipino immigrants were consistently more likely than recent Filipino immigrants to work in professional and management occupations and less likely to be employed in semi-skilled, labour and entry-level occupations (TEER 4 and TEER 5). In 2021, in business, finance and administration occupations (NOC 1), 28.9% of established Filipino immigrants worked in professional and management roles, compared with 18.6% of recent Filipino immigrants. A similar pattern was observed in natural and applied sciences and related occupations (NOC 2) (55.5% versus 46.4%) and in health occupations (NOC 3) (34.8% versus 16.9%). In contrast, recent Filipino immigrants were more likely to be employed in semi-skilled, labour and entry-level occupations (TEER 4 and TEER 5) than established Filipino immigrants in occupations in education, law and social, community and government services (NOC 4) (41.3% versus 20.6%). Similar differences were observed in occupations in manufacturing and utilities (NOC 9) (92.4% versus 84.9%); business, finance and administration occupations (NOC 1) (47.6% versus 35.7%); and trades, transport and equipment operators and related occupations (NOC 7) (44.3% versus 36.3%).

As Eric (2012) outlined, migration pathways have long shaped occupational outcomes for Filipino populations. Earlier cohorts who immigrated in the 1960s and 1970s were primarily professionals, especially nurses, admitted through Canada’s merit-based immigration system, which emphasized education and occupational skills. In contrast, more recent cohorts, particularly from the 1990s onward, often entered through temporary labour migration streams like the LCP. As a result, many Filipino women played caregiving and support roles in health care and domestic work, sectors that continued to dominate Filipino labour force participation. These pathways were shaped not only by Canadian immigration policy but also by enduring transnational family obligations and the global demand for Filipino care labour (Eric, 2012).

Core-aged Filipinos are underrepresented in legislative and senior management occupations

In 2021, Filipinos represented 7.2% of the core-aged population in health occupations, 7.7% of all workers in occupations in manufacturing and utilities, and 4.4% of those in sales and service occupations, well above their share in the core-aged population (3.2%). However, they were especially underrepresented in legislative and senior management occupations (0.5%).

Filipino populations remain significantly underrepresented in formal leadership roles, such as board directorships and executive positions. The study by Longpré-Verret and Richards (2021) indicates that Filipinos were among the least represented racialized groups in corporate leadership positions. Filipinos made up 0.8% of board directors and 0.9% of officers in 2016, a stark contrast to their proportion of the racialized population. A similar pattern was observed in occupational data, where Filipino populations were also less likely to hold senior management positions (0.2%) than the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population (1.5%). Patterns of occupational concentration and underrepresentation in leadership intersect with broader aspects of social inclusion. The following section explores these dimensions, focusing on sense of belonging, confidence in institutions, and engagement in civic and community activities among Filipino populations.

Filipinos are more likely than the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population to report a strong sense of belonging to Canada

Social inclusion is a process that ensures that all members of society, regardless of their ethnocultural origin, have access to the opportunities and resources they need to participate in economic, social and political life without any barriers (Statistics Canada, 2024a). A key indicator of social inclusion is a sense of belonging. This refers to how strongly individuals feel connected and attached to their local community, their town or city, their province, and Canada. In this regard, Filipino populations in Canada reported a stronger sense of belonging to Canada than the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population. In 2020, 92.0% of Filipinos had a strong sense of belonging to Canada, compared with 84.7% among the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population (Chart 23). This trend was consistent across all geographic levels, with 89.9% of Filipinos expressing a strong sense of belonging to their province, compared with 80.0% of the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population. Similarly, Filipinos were more likely to report a strong sense of belonging to their town or city (89.4% versus 75.0%) and their local community (87.7% versus 70.7%).

Data table for Chart 23

Data table for chart 23
Table summary
The information is grouped by Community (appearing as row headers), Filipino populations and Non-racialized, non-Indigenous population, calculated using percent, 95% confidence interval, percent, 95% confidence interval, lower, upper , lower and upper units of measure (appearing as column headers).

Community	Filipino populations			Non-racialized, non-Indigenous population
	percent	95% confidence interval		percent	95% confidence interval
		lower	upper		lower	upper
Source: Statistics Canada, General Social Survey – Social Identity, 2020.
Local community	87.7	82.6	91.4	70.7	69.7	71.8
Town or city	89.4	85.3	92.5	75.0	74.0	76.0
Province	89.9	84.5	93.5	80.0	79.1	80.9
Canada	92.0	87.9	94.9	84.7	83.8	85.5

Filipinos report higher confidence in key institutions than the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population, especially in the justice system and federal Parliament

Filipino populations also had higher levels of confidence in key Canadian institutions. In 2020, 68.5% of Filipinos had high confidence in the justice system and courts, significantly higher than the 53.0% reported by the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population (Chart 24). Compared with the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population, confidence in the federal Parliament was also notably higher among Filipinos (63.3% versus 40.7%), as was confidence in the school system (67.3% versus 57.2%).

Filipinos also showed stronger confidence in financial institutions. About 62.8% of Filipinos reported high confidence in banks, compared with 51.8% of the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population. Additionally, Filipino populations were significantly more likely to express high confidence in major corporations (45.2% versus 25.8%). However, when it came to local businesses, Filipinos were less likely to report high confidence (59.3% versus 69.0%).

Data table for Chart 24

Data table for chart 24
Table summary
The information is grouped by Institution (appearing as row headers), Filipino populations and Non-racialized, non-Indigenous population, calculated using percent, 95% confidence interval, percent, 95% confidence interval, lower, upper, lower and upper units of measure (appearing as column headers).

Institution	Filipino populations			Non-racialized, non-Indigenous population
	percent	95% confidence interval		percent	95% confidence interval
		lower	upper		lower	upper
Source: Statistics Canada, General Social Survey – Social Identity, 2020.
Police service	67.4	60.4	73.6	69.5	68.4	70.6
Justice system and courts	68.5	61.4	74.9	53.0	51.9	54.1
School system	67.3	59.9	73.8	57.2	56.1	58.3
Federal Parliament	63.3	56.3	69.9	40.7	39.7	41.8
Banks	62.8	55.7	69.4	51.8	50.6	52.9
Major corporations	45.2	38.4	52.2	25.8	24.9	26.8
Local merchants and business people	59.3	52.0	66.2	69.0	67.9	70.0

Filipinos are more likely than the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population to engage in community and religious-affiliated groups

One of the indicators of social inclusion is engagement in civic and local activities. Filipinos were particularly involved in religious organizations, with 26.2% reporting membership in religious-affiliated groups, nearly three times the share observed among the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population (9.8%) (Chart 25).

Filipinos were likely to participate in community organizations at a rate similar to that of the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population (61.9% and 59.8%, respectively). However, they were less likely to be involved in sports or recreational organizations, at 18.5%, than the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population (29.8%).

Data table for Chart 25

Data table for chart 25
Table summary
The information is grouped by Group, organization or association (appearing as row headers), Filipino populations and Non-racialized, non-Indigenous population, calculated using percent, 95% confidence interval, percent, 95% confidence interval, lower, upper, lower and upper units of measure (appearing as column headers).

Group, organization or association	Filipino populations			Non-racialized, non-Indigenous population
	percent	95% confidence interval		percent	95% confidence interval
		lower	upper		lower	upper
Source: Statistics Canada, General Social Survey – Social Identity, 2020.
Sports or recreational organization	18.5	13.7	24.6	29.8	28.9	30.9
Cultural, educational or hobby organization	14.3	10.0	19.9	19.0	18.2	19.9
Religious-affiliated group	26.2	20.5	32.9	9.8	9.2	10.5
School group, neighbourhood, civic or community association	16.0	11.6	21.7	14.7	13.9	15.5
Humanitarian or charitable organization or service club	9.5	6.3	14.0	12.7	12.0	13.4
Political party or group	47.9	41.2	54.6	70.9	69.9	71.8

Filipinos are nearly three times as likely as the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population to experience discrimination

Filipino populations reported significantly higher rates of discrimination (31.6%) than the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population (11.8%). The most common grounds for discrimination among Filipinos were race or skin colour (22.8%), ethnicity or culture (16.3%), and language (7.9%).

Filipinos were nearly twice as likely as the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population to experience discrimination (Chart 26) in stores, banks or restaurants (57.0% versus 30.8%). Additionally, 31.1% of Filipinos experienced discrimination at work or when applying for a job or promotion, compared with 24.8% of the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population. However, rates of discrimination when dealing with police were similar between the two groups (3.0% for Filipinos; 4.0% for the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population).

Data table for Chart 26

Data table for chart 26
Table summary
The information is grouped by Type of situation (appearing as row headers), Filipino populations and Non-racialized, non-Indigenous population, calculated using percent, 95% confidence interval, percent, 95% confidence interval, lower, upper, lower and upper units of measure (appearing as column headers).

Type of situation	Filipino populations			Non-racialized, non-Indigenous population
	percent	95% confidence interval		percent	95% confidence interval
		lower	upper		lower	upper
Source: Statistics Canada, General Social Survey – Social Identity, 2020.
At work or when applying for a job or promotion	31.1	21.1	43.2	24.8	22.4	27.4
When dealing with the police	3.0	1.0	9.1	4.0	2.9	5.5
In a store, bank or restaurant	57.0	44.9	68.4	30.8	28.3	33.4
When attending school or classes	17.3	8.5	32.2	7.1	5.6	9.0

Filipinos have smaller but more ethnically diverse social networks than the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population

Filipinos reported smaller local personal networks^Note  than the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population. In 2020, 30.9% of Filipinos had 1 to 14 people in their local personal network, compared with 48.0% among the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population. Similarly, Filipinos were less likely to have four close friends or less (46.0% of Filipinos; 59.0% of the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population).

However, Filipinos had more ethnically diverse social networks. In 2020, 40.4% of Filipinos reported having ethnically diverse networks of friends and acquaintances, more than double the proportion of the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population (17.4%). Thus, while Filipinos may have smaller personal networks, their social circles tend to be more diverse.

Filipino populations may also benefit from social ties that provide both practical and emotional support, even when those networks are smaller. According to Stick et al. (2024), immigrant women in Canada, including those from the Philippines, were among the most likely to have established local support networks, particularly in urban centres, for navigating critical aspects of settlement, including housing, employment and child care.

Data table for Chart 27

Data table for chart 27
Table summary
The information is grouped by Size and diversity of social networks (appearing as row headers), Filipino populations and Non-racialized, non-Indigenous population, calculated using percent, 95% confidence interval, percent, 95% confidence interval, lower, upper, lower and upper units of measure (appearing as column headers).

Size and diversity of social networks	Filipino populations			Non-racialized, non-Indigenous population
	percent	95% confidence interval		percent	95% confidence interval
		lower	upper		lower	upper
Source: Statistics Canada, General Social Survey – Social Identity, 2020.
Having 1 to 14 people in the local personal network	30.9	25.1	37.4	48.0	46.9	49.2
Feeling close to 4 relatives or less	53.5	46.4	60.5	55.7	54.6	56.7
Having 4 close friends or less	46.0	39.1	53.0	59.0	57.9	60.1
Having no other friends or acquaintances	2.4	1.2	4.9	6.8	6.3	7.3
Having 1 to 19 other friends or acquaintances	49.3	42.7	55.9	57.4	56.2	58.5
Having ethnically diverse networks of friends and acquaintances	40.4	33.7	47.5	17.4	16.5	18.4

Filipino populations in Canada have been shaped by an evolving immigration history over recent decades. They are growing in size, quadrupling from 234,195 in the 1996 Census to 957,355 in the 2021 Census. Immigration continues to drive the growth of the Filipino populations, with recent immigrants admitted after 2011 representing nearly half of Filipino immigrants living in Canada in 2021. The Filipino populations are predominantly first generation immigrants, with fewer multigenerational ties compared with some other racialized groups. About three in four Filipinos in Canada are foreign-born, with the Philippines as the leading place of birth, although a growing share are born in Canada. Filipino populations in Canada maintain strong transnational ties to the Philippines. In 2021, 97.2% of Filipinos in Canada have at least one parent born in the Philippines. Even among those born outside the Philippines and Canada, the vast majority (88.2%) have at least one parent born there.

Filipino populations have a wide range of migration experiences and socioeconomic profiles. The majority of first-generation Filipinos are of working age (aged 25 to 64), while the second generation and the third generation or more are predominantly children and youth. Although Filipino women outnumber men, their relative share has decreased over the past 25 years. Filipino immigration to Canada has been predominantly labour-driven, with economic immigration as the main admission category. Within economic immigrants, Filipinos have been admitted mainly as skilled workers, provincial nominees and caregivers. Across immigration cohorts, admission patterns shifted from near parity between economic immigration and family sponsorship to a predominance of economic immigration, with caregiver and provincial nominee streams becoming increasingly central among recent Filipino newcomers.

The linguistic profile of Filipinos mirrors the rich, multilingual landscape of the Philippines. Almost two-thirds report Tagalog (Pilipino, Filipino) or English as their only mother tongue, with non-official languages dominating among first-generation immigrants. In contrast, second-generation Filipinos shift markedly toward English, and non-official languages are nearly nonexistent as mother tongues for the third generation or more, illustrating an intergenerational language transition. In terms of religion, over 9 in 10 Filipinos report a religious affiliation, with Catholicism remaining predominant; however, the share with no religious affiliation increased across generations.

In 2021, Filipino populations in Canada were highly represented at the bachelor’s degree level, with 46.0% of core-aged adults holding a bachelor’s degree or higher, above the rate for the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population. Filipinos also had one of the lowest proportions without formal credentials and were more likely than other non-racialized groups to have obtained their education outside Canada, particularly among first-generation immigrants. Filipino women were more likely than men to have achieved higher levels of education, a pattern that persisted and widened across generations. However, the overall level of educational attainment declined between the first generation and the third generation or more, especially among men.

Filipino populations demonstrate strong engagement in the labour market. Both in the 2021 Census and in the 2026 Labour Force Survey, the labour force participation rates of Filipinos were among the highest across racialized groups. Similarly, their unemployment rates were the lowest across racialized groups and non-racialized, non-Indigenous population. Occupational profiles reveal that many Filipino immigrants work in the health and service sectors. They are nearly five times more likely to enter Canada as caregivers than the overall racialized population, and they remain significantly underrepresented in formal leadership roles such as board directorships and executive positions. Compared with the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population, Filipinos are less likely to work in professional and management occupations and more likely to work in semi-skilled, labour, and entry-level occupations. Despite their high levels of educational attainment and labour force participation, the majority of Filipinos, particularly those educated outside Canada, experienced overqualification. The data show that nearly half of core-aged Filipinos with a bachelor’s degree or higher were overqualified for their job, with the rates rising further among those educated outside Canada. As shown throughout Section 3, overqualification remains a persistent labour-market outcome for Filipino immigrants educated outside Canada. Overqualification is markedly higher among recent immigrants, those educated in the Philippines, and those admitted through caregiver and family-sponsorship streams, with rates often two to three times higher than among their Canadian-educated counterparts. At the same time, recent Filipino immigrants, particularly women, and especially those admitted through caregiver streams, experience higher unemployment than established immigrants, even as they remain strongly attached to the labour market.

Filipinos in Canada reported a strong sense of belonging to Canada, their province, their town or city, and their local communities, along with higher levels of confidence in many key institutions compared with the non-racialized, non-indigenous population. Despite their strong sense of belonging and civic participation, Filipino populations are facing higher levels of discrimination compared with the non-racialized, non-indigenous population.

In conclusion, there is no single Filipino Canadian experience. The experiences of Filipino populations in Canada are shaped by different immigration streams, gendered labour trajectories, regional factors and generational shifts. Knowledge gaps remain in understanding intergenerational outcomes and regional disparities, as well as the experiences of Filipinos in smaller cities and rural areas, where geographic isolation may pose unique challenges to social and economic integration.

Data sources

This analysis was conducted principally using data from the 2021 Census of Population (long-form questionnaire). In addition, data were used from earlier years of the Census of Population long-form questionnaire (1996 to 2016) and the 2011 National Household Survey. Data from the 2020 General Social Survey – Social Identity, and the Labour Force Survey were also used.

In 2021 and 2016, a sample of 25% of Canadian households received the long-form census questionnaire, while in 2006, 2001 and 1996, 20% received the long-form census questionnaire. In 2011, 33% of households received the voluntary National Household Survey.

The long-form census questionnaire covers the population in private households (that is, excluding those in collective dwellings such as nursing homes, rooming houses, military bases or prisons). The target population of the portrait when using census data was the population in private households in occupied private dwellings, meaning the portrait also excluded people who were living outside Canada on government, military or diplomatic postings.

The long-form census questionnaire covers Canadian citizens (by birth and naturalization), permanent residents, and non-permanent residents and their families living with them in Canada. Non-permanent residents are people who hold a work or study permit or who have claimed refugee status (e.g., asylum claimants, protected persons and related groups). Foreign residents, such as representatives of a foreign government assigned to an embassy, a high commission or another diplomatic mission in Canada, as well as residents of another country who are visiting Canada temporarily, are not covered by the census.

The 2020 General Social Survey – Social Identity covers a sample of non-institutionalized persons (i.e., persons in private households in occupied private dwellings) aged 15 years or over, excluding residents of the territories and of First Nations reserves.

The Labour Force Survey is conducted on a monthly basis. Its reference week for information on employment and unemployment is usually the week containing the 15th day of the month. It covers a sample of persons aged 15 years and over whose usual place of residence is in Canada. It does not include people living on reserves, full-time members of the regular Armed Forces or persons living in institutions (including inmates of penal institutions and patients in hospitals and nursing homes).

Methods

This paper provides descriptive analysis of the characteristics of the Filipino populations in Canada.

Random rounding

To ensure confidentiality, the values, including totals, are randomly rounded either up or down to a multiple of '5' or '10.' To understand these data, you must be aware that each individual value is rounded. As a result, when these data are summed or grouped, the total value may not match the individual values since totals and sub-totals are independently rounded. Similarly, percentages, which are calculated on rounded data, may not necessarily add up to 100%.

Definitions

Admission category: Admission category refers to the name of the immigration program or group of programs under which an immigrant has been granted for the first time the right to live in Canada permanently by immigration authorities. In the 2021 Census of Population, data on admission category are available for immigrants who were admitted to Canada between January 1, 1980, and May 11, 2021.

Asylum claimant: Asylum claimant refers to a foreign national who has made a refugee claim while in Canada on a temporary basis and whose claim is pending decision. Protected person refers to a person who has made a claim in Canada and received a positive decision. For the census, protected persons leave this population if they obtain permanent residence. Related groups include those who received a negative decision or withdrew or abandoned their claim and have not yet regularized their status or departed Canada. Separate estimates for asylum claimants, protected persons and related groups are not available.

Caregiver admission category: Caregivers include immigrants granted permanent residence after providing care in Canada for children, seniors, people with disabilities or individuals with chronic disease for a determinate period of time. Most immigrants classified under this category worked as caregivers in a private residence in Canada during their qualifying period of temporary work. The first immigrants admitted under this category landed in 1982. Since then, this category has included caregivers under the Foreign Domestic Movement Program (1981 to 1992), the Live-in Caregiver Program (1992 to 2014), the Caring for Children pilot and the Caring for People with High Medical Needs pilot (2014 to 2019), and the Interim Pathway for Caregivers (2019). As of June 18, 2019, caregivers can apply for permanent residence through the Home Child Care Provider Pilot or Home Support Worker Pilot if they meet eligibility requirements.

Core working age: In this portrait, the core working age or the core-age population is individuals aged 25 to 54 years. While the working-age population is defined more broadly, the core working-age group concentrates on those with the highest levels of labour force participation and attachment.

Economic immigrant: An economic immigrant is an immigrant who has been selected for their ability to contribute to Canada's economy through their ability to meet labour market needs, to own and manage or to build a business, to make a substantial investment, to create their own employment or to meet specific provincial or territorial labour market needs.

Educational attainment: “Educational attainment”, “level of education” and “highest level of education” refer to the highest level of education that a person has successfully completed, using the classification “Highest certificate, diploma or degree”. The general hierarchy used in deriving this variable (high school, trades, college, university) is loosely tied to the 'in-class' duration of the various types of education.

Employment rate: The employment rate for a particular group (age, sex, marital status, geographic area, etc.) is the number of persons in that group who were employed in the week of Sunday, May 2 to Saturday, May 8, 2021, expressed as a percentage of the total population in that group. It is applicable to the population aged 15 years and over. The employed population includes people who did any paid work as an employee or self-employed person; did unpaid work contributing directly to the operation of a farm, business or professional practice owned and operated by a related member of the same household; or had a job but were not at work due to factors such as their own illness or disability, personal or family responsibilities, vacation or a labour dispute.

Filipino populations: In this portrait, Filipino populations were defined using the population group question in the Census of Population. Since the 1996 Census, “Filipino” has been listed as a population group on the census questionnaire, based on the Employment Equity Act and its regulations. Respondents could select one or more population groups or provide a write-in response. This definition includes individuals who marked Filipino only; wrote responses associated with Filipino, such as Igorot or Ilocano; selected Filipino and wrote a related term (e.g., selecting Filipino and writing Igorot [combination response]); selected both Filipino and White only; and selected White and wrote in Filipino. Multiple responses beyond these combinations were excluded from this analysis.

Gender: This refers to an individual’s personal and social identity as a man, woman or non-binary person (a person who is not exclusively a man or a woman) and includes the following concepts:

• gender identity, which refers to the gender that a person feels internally and individually
• gender expression, which refers to the way a person presents their gender, regardless of their gender identity, through body language, aesthetic choices or accessories (e.g., clothes, hairstyle and makeup) that may have traditionally been associated with a specific gender.

A person’s gender may differ from their sex at birth, and from what is indicated on their current identification or legal documents such as their birth certificate, passport or driver’s licence. A person’s gender may change over time. Some people may not identify with a specific gender.

The sex variable in census years before 2021 and the two-category gender variable in the 2021 Census are combined in this analysis to make historical comparisons. Although sex and gender refer to two different concepts, the introduction of gender in 2021 is not expected to have a significant impact on data analysis and historical comparability, given the small size of the transgender and non-binary populations. For additional information on changes of concepts over time, please consult the Age, Sex at Birth and Gender Reference Guide, Census of Population, 2021.

Given that the non-binary population is small, data aggregation to a two-category gender variable is sometimes necessary to protect the confidentiality of responses. In these cases, individuals in the category “non-binary persons” are distributed into the other two gender categories. Unless otherwise indicated, the category “men” includes men, boys and some non-binary people, while the category “women” includes women, girls and some non-binary people.

Generation status: A person’s generation status refers to whether the person or the person’s parents were born in Canada.

• The term “first generation” includes people who were born outside Canada.
• The term “second generation” includes people who were born in Canada and had at least one parent born outside Canada.
• The term “third generation or more” includes people who were born in Canada and whose parents were also born in Canada.

Immigrant: This refers to a person who is, or has been, a landed immigrant or permanent resident. Such a person has been granted the right to live in Canada permanently by immigration authorities. Immigrants who have obtained Canadian citizenship by naturalization are included in this group. In the 2021 Census of Population, it includes immigrants who were admitted to Canada on or prior to May 11, 2021.

Immigrant sponsored by family: An immigrant sponsored by family is an immigrant who was sponsored by a Canadian citizen or permanent resident and was granted permanent resident status based on their relationship either as the spouse, partner, parent, grandparent, child or other relative of this sponsor. The terms 'family class' or 'family reunification' are sometimes used to refer to this category.

Location of study: This refers to the country of the institution from which a person obtained their highest certificate, diploma or degree. It refers to the location of the institution granting the certificate, diploma or degree, not the location of the person at the time they obtained the qualification or were attending the institution.

Non-permanent resident: This refers to a person from another country with a usual place of residence in Canada and who has a work or study permit or who has claimed refugee status (asylum claimant, protected person and related groups). Family members living with work or study permit holders are also included, unless these family members are already Canadian citizens or landed immigrants or permanent residents.

Non-racialized, non-Indigenous population: In this portrait, the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population is measured with the category “not a visible minority” in the population group question, and excludes people who identified as First Nations, Métis or Inuit on the Indigenous group question. For more information on the visible minority and population group variables, consult the Visible Minority and Population Group Reference Guide, Census of Population, 2021.

Occupation: This refers to the kind of work performed in a job, a job being all the tasks carried out by a particular worker to complete his or her duties. An occupation is a set of jobs that are sufficiently similar in work performed. In the 2021 Census of Population, occupations are classified according to the National Occupational Classification (NOC) 2021 Version 1.0.

Overqualification: Overqualification refers to the mismatch between a worker’s educational attainment and the level of education required for their job. Overqualification occurs when individuals with a university degree hold a job that requires no more than a high school education. In this portrait, overqualification refers to individuals aged 25 to 54 years old with a bachelor’s degree or higher who, during the 2021 Census year or the previous year, held a position that typically requires a high school diploma or equivalency certificate or less. This definition excludes individuals whose highest level of education was below a bachelor’s degree, individuals in management occupations, individuals who did not work during the reference year or the year before the census, immigrants who first obtained landed immigrant or permanent resident status in or before the census year and whose last job during the reference year was outside Canada, and non-permanent residents whose last job during the reference period was outside Canada.

Place of birth: This refers to the name of the geographic location (in this Portrait, the country or area of interest) where the person was born. The geographic location is specified according to geographic boundaries current at the time of data collection, not the geographic boundaries at the time of birth.

Period of immigration: This refers to the period when the immigrant first obtained their landed immigrant or permanent resident status in Canada. This may differ from the year of first arrival in Canada.

Racialized populations: In this portrait, “racialized populations” or “racialized groups” are defined as people categorized as “visible minorities” (“South Asian”, “Chinese”, “Black”, “Filipino”, “Latin American”, “Arab”, “Southeast Asian”, “West Asian”, “Korean”, “Japanese”, “multiple visible minorities”, and “visible minority not identified elsewhere”) according to the visible minority variable. In this analysis, the racialized populations exclude Indigenous respondents. For more information about the derivation of the racialized populations, consult the Visible Minority and Population Group Reference Guide, Census of Population, 2021.

Refugee: A refugee is an immigrant who was granted permanent resident status based on a well-founded fear of returning to their home country. This category includes persons who had a well-founded fear of persecution for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group or for political opinion (Geneva Convention refugees) as well as persons who had been seriously and personally affected by civil war or armed conflict, or had suffered a massive violation of human rights. Some refugees were in Canada when they applied for refugee protection for themselves and their family members (either with them in Canada or abroad), while others were abroad and were referred for resettlement to Canada by the United Nations Refugee Agency, another designated referral organization or private sponsors.

Religion: This refers to a person’s self-identified connection to or affiliation with any religious denomination, group, body, or other religiously defined community or system of belief. Religion is not limited to formal membership in a religious organization or group. For infants or children, religion refers to the specific religious group or denomination, if any, in which they are being raised. For more information about this variable, consult the Religion of person

Rural area: In this portrait, a rural area is defined using the Statistical Area Classification (SAC), which is based on the concept Metropolitan Influenced Zone (MIZ). All census subdivisions (CSDs) in the provinces and territories that lie outside census metropolitan areas (CMAs) and census agglomerations (CAs) are classified according to the degree of influence of nearby CMAs or CAs. In the provinces, these CSDs are assigned to one of four MIZ categories—strong, moderate, weak, or no influence—based on commuting flows. In the territories, CSDs located outside CAs are assigned to a separate category.

Skilled worker admission category: Skilled workers include immigrants who have been selected for their ability to meet specific labour needs as skilled workers. They were assessed based on selection criteria such as their education; language abilities; and work experience in management, professional or technical jobs.

Training, education, experience and responsibilities categories: The training, education, experience and responsibilities (TEER) categories refer to a variant of the National Occupational Classification 2021 Version 1.0 designed for analytical purposes. These categories group occupations based on the level and type of training, formal education, work experience and responsibilities typically required. They range from TEER 0 (management occupations) to TEER 5 (occupations requiring minimal training and no formal education). The TEER structure provides a consistent framework for analyzing occupational skill levels across the Canadian labour market.

Unemployment rate: The unemployment rate for a particular group (age, sex, marital status, geographic area, etc.) is the number of persons in that group who were unemployed in the week of Sunday, May 2 to Saturday, May 8, 2021, expressed as a percentage of the labour force in that group. It is applicable to the population aged 15 years and over. The unemployed population includes persons who during the above reference period were without work but had looked for work in the past four weeks ending with the reference period and were available for work; were on temporary layoff due to business conditions and were available for work; or were without work, had a job to start within four weeks from the reference period and were available for work. The labour force refers to people who were either employed or unemployed.

Urban area: An urban area refers to a census subdivision (CSD) that is a component of a census metropolitan area (CMA) or a census agglomeration (CA).

Working-age population: In this portrait, the working-age population refers to the population aged 25 to 64.

Year of immigration: This refers to the year in which a person obtained permanent residency in Canada. This may not be the same as the year that they first arrived in Canada.

Alarcon, K. (2024). First Filipina nanny helped community grow. Yukon News. [Web page]. Reprinted by Hidden Histories Society Yukon. https://hhsy.org/first-filipina-nanny-helped-community-grow-yukon-news-2/

Bonifacio, G. T. (2013). Pinay on the prairies: Filipino women and transnational identities. Vancouver: UBC Press. https://doi.org/10.59962/9780774825818

Bonikowska, A., Handler, T., & Frenette, M. (2024). High school graduation and postsecondary enrolment of Black, Latin American and other population groups: What explains the differences? Economic and Social Reports. Statistics Canada Catalogue no. 36-28-0001. https://doi.org/10.25318/36280001202400200003-eng

Canadian Heritage. (2025). Significant events in the history of Asian communities in Canada. https://www.canada.ca/en/canadian-heritage/campaigns/asian-heritage-month/important-events.html

Citizenship and Immigration Canada. (2010). A commitment to foreign credential recognition: Government of Canada progress report 2009. Citizenship and Immigration Canada. https://publications.gc.ca/collections/collection_2010/cic/Ci1-12-2009-eng.pdf

Citizenship and Immigration Canada. (2012, March). IMDB 2008 immigration category profiles: Live-in caregiver: findings from the Longitudinal Immigration Database (IMDB), IMDB 2008 Research Series. Catalogue no. Ci3-10/5-2012E-PDF. Ottawa, ON: Citizenship and Immigration Canada.

Chen, W.-H., & Hou, F. (2019, February 18). Intergenerational education mobility and labour market outcomes: Variation among the second generation of immigrants in Canada . Analytical Studies Branch Research Paper Series. Statistics Canada Catalogue no. 11F0019M — No. 418. https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/11f0019m/11f0019m2019006-eng.htm

Cornelissen, L. (2021). Profile of immigrants in nursing and health care support occupations. Insights on Canadian Society. Statistics Canada Catalogue no. 75-006-X. https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/75-006-x/2021001/article/00004-eng.htm

Department of Manpower and Immigration. (1973). Immigration Statistics, 1962–1972. Ottawa: Department of Manpower and Immigration.

Eric, J. (2012). The rights of passage of Filipino Canadians in Canada: Two migration cohorts. In R. S. Coloma, B. McElhinny, E. Tungohan, J. P. C. Catungal, & L. M. Davidson (Eds.), Filipinos in Canada: Disturbing invisibility, pp. 123-141. University of Toronto Press.

Frank, K., Park, J., Cyr, P., Weston, S., & Hou, F. (2023). Internationally educated health care professionals in Canada: Sociodemographic characteristics and occupational distribution. Economic and Social Reports. Statistics Canada Catalogue no. 36-28-0001. https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/36-28-0001/2023008/article/00004-eng.htm

Government of Alberta. (2008). Alberta and Philippines sign worker memorandum [Press release]. https://www.alberta.ca/release.cfm?xID=24453B9BFBFE5-980B-E353-4303727DAA4E4FBF

Government of British Columbia. (2008). B.C., Philippines sign worker agreement [Press release]. https://archive.news.gov.bc.ca/releases/news_releases_2005-2009/2008ECD0001-000116.htm

Government of Manitoba. (2008). Memorandum of Understanding between the Department of Labour and Employment of the Republic of the Philippines and the Department of Labour and Immigration of the Government of Manitoba, Canada concerning co-operation in human resource deployment and development. https://www.aspeninstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2010/05/MOU_Manitoba-_Philippines.pdf

Government of Saskatchewan. (2006). Government signs immigration agreement with the Philippines to bring more skilled workers here [Press release]. https://www.saskatchewan.ca/government/news-and-media/2006/december/18/government-signs-immigration-agreement-with-the-philippines-to-bring-more-skilled-workers-here

Government of Yukon. (2022). Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of Yukon and the Department of Migrant Workers of the Republic of the Philippines on cooperation in the field of labour and human resources development. https://yukon.ca/en/memorandum-understanding-between-yukon-and-philippines-immigration

Hou, F., Schimmele, C., & Stick, M. (2023). Changing demographics of racialized people in Canada. Economic and Social Reports. Statistics Canada Catalogue no. 36-28-0001. https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/36-28-0001/2023008/article/00001-eng.htm

Hudon, T. (2016). Visible minority women. Women in Canada: A Gender-based Statistical Report. Statistics Canada Catalogue no. 89-503-X. https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/en/pub/89-503-x/2015001/article/14315-eng.pdf?st=Jf5AMs-Y

Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada. (2016). Ethnocultural brief, People of Filipino Ethnic Origin in Canada. Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada.

Library and Archives Canada. (n.d.-a). Census of Canada, 1901 (Statistics Canada fonds, RG31; Fourth Census of Canada, Province of British Columbia, District of Burrard, Sub-District 1, Polling District 3, Howe Sound; p. 7) [Digitized census image]. Government of Canada.

Library and Archives Canada. (n.d.-b). Census of Canada, 1911 (Statistics Canada fonds, RG31; Fifth Census of Canada, Province of British Columbia, District of Richmond, Bowen Island; p. 6) [Digitized census image]. Government of Canada.

Kelly, P. (2021). Immigration, employment precarity and masculinity in Filipino-Canadian families. In J. Hoerder, S. Salomo, & K. Radhika (Eds.), Growing up and getting by: International perspectives on transitions to adulthood, pp. 211-230). Policy Press. https://doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447352891.003.0011

Kuhn, A. C. (2022). In Sight: MOVING Filipino Canadians into Leadership? [Doctoral dissertation]. Royal Roads University.

Li, P. S. (2003). Cultural diversity in Canada: The social construction of racial difference. Department of Justice Canada. https://www.justice.gc.ca/eng/rp-pr/csj-sjc/jsp-sjp/rp02_8-dr02_8/index.html

Longpré-Verret, L.-M., & Richards, E. (2021). Diversity among board directors and officers: Exploratory estimates on family, work and income. Analytical Studies Branch Research Paper Series. Statistics Canada Catalogue no. 11F0019M – No. 2021005. https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/11f0019m/11f0019m2021005-eng.htm

Lusis, T. (2009). Filipino immigrants in Canada: A literature review and directions for further research on second-tier cities and rural areas. Immigrant Labour Project, University of Guelph.

Malek, J. G., & Canadian Heritage. (2021). Filipinos in Canada. Published by the Canadian Historical Association with the support of the Department of Canadian Heritage, Government of Canada.

Mann, T. (Ed.). (2018). Australian law dictionary (Third edition). Oxford University Press. https://www.oxfordreference.com/display/10.1093/oi/authority.20110803100136805

McFarland, C. D. (1994). Subgrouping and number of the Philippine languages or how many Philippine languages are there. Philippine journal of linguistics, 25, 75-84.

Mendoza, M. G. (2012). Educated minorities: The experiences of Filipino Canadian University Students. Filipinos in Canada: Disturbing invisibility, 360-381. University of Toronto Press. https://doi.org/10.3138/9781442662728-024

McElhinny, B., Davidson, L. M., Catungal, J. P. C., Tungohan, E., & Coloma, R. S. (2012). Spectres of (in)visibility: Filipina/o labour, culture, and youth in Canada. In R. S. Coloma, B. McElhinny, E. Tungohan, J. P. C. Catungal, & L. M. Davidson (Eds.), Filipinos in Canada: Disturbing invisibility, 46-67. University of Toronto Press. https://utppublishing.com/doi/10.3138/9781442613492.002

Picot, G., Hou, F., & Crossman, E. (2023). The Provincial Nominee Program: Its expansion in Canada. Economic and Social Reports. Statistics Canada Catalogue no. 36-28-0001. https://doi.org/10.25318/36280001202300700004-eng

Statistics Canada. (2021). Table 98-10-0453-01 Statistics Canada. Job permanency by highest level of education, occupation major group, employment income statistics, age and gender: Canada, provinces and territories, census metropolitan areas and census agglomerations with parts. [Data table]. https://doi.org/10.25318/9810045301-eng

Statistics Canada. (2022a, October 26). The Canadian census: A rich portrait of the country's religious and ethnocultural diversity. The Daily. https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/en/daily-quotidien/221026/dq221026b-eng.pdf

Statistics Canada. (2022b, October 26). Immigrants make up the largest share of the population in over 150 years and continue to shape who we are as Canadians. The Daily. https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/en/daily-quotidien/221026/dq221026a-eng.pdf

Statistics Canada. (2022c, December 16). Focus on Geography Series, 2021 Census of Population – Yukon, Territory [Web page]. https://www12.statcan.gc.ca/census-recensement/2021/as-sa/fogs-spg/page.cfm?topic=9&lang=e&dguid=2021A000260

Statistics Canada. (2023). Table 17-10-0146-01 Projected population by racialized group, generation status and other selected characteristics (x 1,000)[Data table]. https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/t1/tbl1/en/tv.action?pid=1710014601

Statistics Canada. (2024a). Social Inclusion Framework for Ethnocultural Groups in Canada [Infosheet]. https://www.statcan.gc.ca/en/topics-start/gender_diversity_and_inclusion/social-inclusion-framework

Statistics Canada. (2024b, June 13). Labour market characteristics of persons with and without disabilities, 2023. The Daily. https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/240613/dq240613b-eng.htm

Statistics Canada. (2024c, March 26). Table 98-10-0646-01 Legislative and senior management occupations by visible minority, selected sociodemographic characteristics and the census year: Canada, geographical regions of Canada, provinces and territories and census metropolitan areas with parts [Data table]. https://doi.org/10.25318/9810064601-eng

Stick, M., Hou, F., & Schimmele, C. (2023). The housing trajectories of Canadian-born racialized population groups. Economic and Social Reports. Statistics Canada Catalogue no. 36-28-0001. https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/36-28-0001/2023012/article/00003-eng.htm

Stick, M., Schimmele, C., Karpinski, M., & Arsenault, A. (2024). The social networks of immigrant women. Economic and Social Reports. Statistics Canada Catalogue no. 36-28-0001. https://doi.org/10.25318/36280001202400400006-eng

Uppal, S. (2023). Self-employment among women in Canada. Insights on Canadian Society. Statistics Canada Catalogue no. 75-006-X. https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/en/pub/75-006-x/2023001/article/00014-eng.pdf

UNHCR. (2020). Seven Decades of Refugee Protection in Canada: 1950-2020. United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. https://www.unhcr.ca/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/Seven-Decades-of-Refugee-Protection-In-Canada-14-December-2020.pdf

Wall, K., & Kow, B. (2023). A portrait of educational attainment and occupational outcomes among racialized populations in 2021. Census in Brief. Statistics Canada Catalogue no. 98-200-X. https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/en/catalogue/98-200-X2021011