Recontact with police among child and youth victims of violent crime, 2010 to 2024

Extensive research has established that experiences of victimization early in life are associated with a wide range of negative impacts across the life course. These impacts may be immediate, such as harm, injury, or emotional distress, or long-term, such as lower levels of life satisfaction, poorer physical health and mental health, worse socioeconomic outcomes, higher levels of substance use and addiction, an increased likelihood of offending, and additional victimization (e.g., Benedini, Fagan, & Gibson, 2016; Burczycka, 2016; Fernandez et al., 2015; Forbes et al., 2019; Heidinger, 2022; Jennings et al., 2011; McDougall & Vaillancourt, 2015; McGrath et al., 2011; Mersky et al., 2012; Mulford et al., 2018; Perez & Widom, 1994; Scrafford et al., 2018; Swanston et al., 2003; Takizawa et al., 2014; Turanovic, 2023; Widom & Ames, 1994; Widom et al., 2008; Wright et al., 2016).

When it comes to victimization and offending specifically, research generally supports the notion of the cycle of violence: experiences of violent victimization are associated with a higher likelihood of more violence—both as a victim and as an accused person. Some research focuses specifically on future experiences of violence, others on subsequent offending or delinquency, while others highlight the correlation of the two, referred to as the victim–offender overlap (Jennings et al., 2011). Previous research has consistently found that a large proportion of violent offenders were, at one point, victims of violent crime. However, most victims of violent crime do not become offenders themselves (OFOVC, 2021; Wright et al., 2016).

This Juristat article uses data from the Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) Survey to identify a cohort of unique child and youth (aged 0 to 17) victims of violent crime in 2010, with this considered to be the initial contact with police.^Note  It then follows their subsequent contact^Note  with police as victims of violent crime and persons accused of violent, property, or other types of crime^Note  through to the end of 2024. Characteristics of the victim and the initial 2010 incident are examined, to explore how various factors may influence future pathways of contact with police.

This approach differs from previous research that relies on retrospective questions to explore the impact of victimization on later life outcomes (e.g., Burczycka, 2016; Heidinger, 2022). Instead, it focuses on police-reported incidents of childhood victimization recorded at the time of occurrence in 2010, as opposed to self-reported data on experiences that may have taken place years or even decades prior. It also allows for these children and youth to be followed longitudinally to examine their patterns of contact with police, as opposed to representing an estimate at a single point in time. These shorter-term impacts and outcomes have less frequently been the focus of national-level Canadian research.

The initial creation of a dedicated data file examining recontact among child and youth victims of violent crime was funded by Women and Gender Equality Canada. The final creation of the analytical file, as well as this analysis, was funded by the Department of Justice Canada.

Majority of child and youth victims of violent crime in 2010 had subsequent contact with police by end of 2024

In 2010, 59,636 children and youth were victims of a police-reported violent crime. The large majority (79%) were youth, aged 12 to 17, while smaller proportions were older children, aged 6 to 11 (15%), or younger children, aged 0 to 5 (6%). Depending on their age at the time of initial contact^Note  , these victims of police-reported violent crime in 2010 were between the ages of 14 and 31 by the end of 2024.

Overall, just over half (52%) of child and youth victims of violent crime in 2010 were boys. Notably, boys were overrepresented among older children (58%). Among younger children and youth, the proportion of boys (50% and 51%, respectively) and girls (50% and 49%, respectively) was similar.

Almost six in ten (58%) child and youth victims of crime in 2010 had at least one subsequent contact with police—as a victim, an accused person, or both—by the end of the follow-up period (Table 1).^Note  There was often overlap in terms of recontact as a victim and an accused person. More specifically, 30% of child and youth victims of violent crime had additional contact with police as both a victim and an accused, while 17% had recontact as an accused only, and 11% as a victim only.

There were differences in subsequent contact with police depending on the age group of the victim at the time of the initial contact. The proportion of those with any subsequent contact with police was twice as high among youth (62%) when compared with those who were younger children (31%) at the time of the initial victimization.

The nature of subsequent contact also varied by age (Chart 1). Victims who were younger children in 2010 most commonly had additional contact with police as a victim of violent crime only (15%), while smaller proportions were an accused only (6%) or both victims and accused (10%). Recontact as an accused person increased with age at the time of initial victimization; half (51%) of youth victims of crime in 2010 were accused in at least one criminal incident between 2010 and 2024.^Note  Youth aged 12 to 17 in 2010 were between the ages of 26 and 31 by the end of the follow-up period, meaning that many of these recontacts with police were during adulthood.

Chart 1 start

Chart 1 end

Notably, for those who were youth at the time of the initial incident, the follow-up period includes the entire period of late teenage and early adulthood, where rates of both victimization and offending may be elevated, relative to other ages. Regardless of victimization history, some of the higher levels of police contact among this group may be explained by age. For younger children, many of the years included in the study period fall well before these ages. Furthermore, the age of criminal responsibility in Canada is 12, and so for younger children included in the analysis, much of the follow-up period includes years during which they could not be charged with a criminal offence.^Note  This may influence the extent to which they came into contact with police and were recorded in the UCR Survey data, particularly as an accused person (Carrington 2007).^Note   

Similar recontact between girls and boys—but boys more often as accused, girls more often as victims

Overall, recontact was similar between girls and boys who were victims of police-reported violent crime in 2010, with 59% of boys and 57% of girls having at least one recontact with police following the initial incident of victimization.

While similar proportions of boys (29%) and girls (31%) had recontact with police as both a victim and an accused person during the follow-up period, there was a notable gender difference in the nature of subsequent contact with police. It was much more common for boys (22%) than girls (10%) to have had additional contact as an accused person only. In contrast, girls (15%) more often had recontact as a victim only, when compared with boys (8%).

Following the overall trend, those who were youth at the time of initial victimization had the highest proportion of further contact with police (Table 2). More than half (55%) of youth boy victims in 2010 were subsequently accused of any crime, compared with 46% of youth girls. In contrast, half (50%) of youth girl victims were subsequently victims of another police-reported violent crime, as were 38% of youth boys.

Start of text box 1

End of text box 1

Victims of incidents perpetrated by strangers had less recontact

Patterns of future contact with police among the 2010 cohort of child and youth victims of violent crime are consistent with the notion that future police-reported victimization and offending are shaped by different contexts and types of violence.

The distribution of accused–victim relationships varied by victim age, reflecting differences in various stages of childhood and youth. For instance, violence perpetrated by a family member was most common among younger children (67% of all incidents in 2010), while violence committed by friends, acquaintances, or strangers was more common for youth (76%). These results further reflect broader age patterns in social relationships that show younger children are more likely to spend the majority of time surrounded with immediate and extended family members, whereas youth are generally more independent and have a wider range of contact with people outside the home and family.

Regardless of victim age in the initial 2010 victimization, recontact was lowest among those who were victims of a violent crime committed by a stranger (Table 3). More specifically, 21% of younger children, 43% of older children, and 52% of youth victims where a stranger was the accused in 2010 had subsequent contact with police by the end of 2024. This compares to 31%, 50%, and 62% of child and youth victims overall, respectively.

Furthermore, those who were victims of a stranger-perpetrated incident in 2010 with further police contact were less often both victims and accused compared to victims of other accused relationships. Previous research has found that compared to other types of violence, the risk factors, consequences, and likelihood of repeat victimization are different for stranger-perpetrated violence than for other types of violence, such as family violence or peer violence (e.g., ongoing bullying or harassment at school) (Turanovic, 2023). This may, in part, explain some of the observed variance in recontact with police.

Those who were initially victims of a violent incident where an extended family member (e.g., aunt, uncle, grandparent, cousin) was accused had more recontact with police: 36% of younger children, 52% of older children, and 70% of youth were victims or accused in at least one subsequent incident. 

In comparison, those who were initially victimized by a parent tended to have less recontact overall compared to those who were victimized by another immediate or extended family member. Overall, three in ten (30%) younger children victimized by a parent in 2010 had further contact with police, as did almost half (46%) of older children and about six in ten (62%) youth.

This is likely related to the age profiles of those who are victimized by a parent, as younger children had less recontact but were more often victimized by a parent. For half (49%) of younger children who were victims of violent crime in 2010, the perpetrator was a parent, a proportion that declined to 25% among older children and 8% among youth. It is also possible that incidents perpetrated by a parent are less likely to be reported to police, relative to those that involve another type of accused person such as a stranger, an acquaintance, or an extended family member.

Majority of youth victims of intimate partner violence had recontact with police

For youth, it is also possible to examine experiences of violence within the context of an intimate partner^Note  relationship. Unlike many other accused-victim relationships, there were nine times as many youth girl victims of intimate partner violence (3,525) than there were boys (380) in 2010.

Overall, seven in ten (70%) youth who were victims of intimate partner violence in 2010 had recontact with police during the follow-up period, most commonly, as both a victim and an accused person (42%). Relatively smaller proportions had recontact as a victim only (15%) or as an accused person only (12%).

Among youth boys who were victims of intimate partner violence in 2010, two-thirds (66%) were later accused in another criminal incident between 2010 and 2024, and nearly half (47%) were victims in another incident.^{Note  Note}  In contrast, for girls, more than half of those who were victims of intimate partner violence in 2010 were later accused (53%) or victims (58%) in another incident.^Note 

Exposure to violence during childhood has been linked to an increased likelihood of both victimization and perpetration of intimate partner violence later in life (Burczycka, 2016; Cotter, 2021b; Widom et al., 2008). One common explanation for this link is the social learning theory, or the intergenerational transmission of violence (Powers et. al, 2017), which indicates that witnessing or experiencing violence at a young age, particularly when it is perpetrated by influential adults (e.g., parents), may shape certain beliefs among children about normative behaviours in relationships and approaches to conflict resolution. That is, the likelihood of future perpetration of violence as well as victimization is generally higher, as individuals may learn that violence is a normal part of interpersonal relationships, including but not limited to intimate partner relationships (Neppl et al. 2019; Richards et al. 2017; Widom et al. 2014).

Frequency of recontact as an accused higher among youth

In addition to subsequent police contact, the data file also allowed for analysis of the number of additional contacts with police as either a victim of violent crime or a person accused of any crime.^Note  There was variation in the frequency of recontact, with differences noted by gender and age group of the victim at the time of initial victimization (Table 4, Table 5).

For example, half (51%) of youth victims of violent crime in 2010 had subsequent contact with police as an accused person of any crime and, of these, about one-quarter (27%) had 10 or more recontacts as an accused person. Boy victims more commonly had recontact as an accused (55%) than girl victims (46%), and among youth with recontact, a larger proportion of boys had 10 or more recontacts (31%) than girls (22%). On average, youth boy victims with recontact as an accused of any crime had 12 recontacts, while youth girl victims had 8 recontacts.

In comparison, a smaller proportion (16%) of younger children who were victims of violent crime in 2010 had recontact with police as an accused person by the end of 2024. For younger children, as noted, the follow-up period in this analysis includes many years before the age of 12, which is the youngest age at which a person can be held criminally responsible for a crime in Canada. This influences the extent to which younger children are formally identified as accused persons within the context of the UCR Survey (Carrington, 2007).

About one-third of youth victims of violent crime in 2010 later accused in a violent incident

Notably, many of those who had recontact with police as an accused person were accused of a violent crime (Chart 2; Table 4). For example, about one-third (35%) of all youth who were victims of violent crime in 2010 were subsequently accused in a violent incident, with an average of 3.8 such contacts. In contrast, 16% of youth victims of violent crime in 2010 were later accused, but in non-violent incidents only.  

Chart 2 start

Chart 2 end

A similar age pattern was observed for recontact with police as a victim of crime, where those who were older at the time of the initial violent incident were more often victims in a subsequent incident, and those who were older and had recontact more commonly experienced a higher number of violent incidents (Table 5).

Police recontact as an accused more common among victims of physical assault

Another factor that may be relevant to future victimization or offending is the type of violence experienced in the initial incident. For example, sexual violence during childhood has been associated with a number of negative consequences, including a higher likelihood of future victimization and offending, among other adverse outcomes (McGrath et al., 2011; Widom & Ames, 1994).

Among youth, a higher proportion of victims of violent crime in 2010 where the initial incident was a physical assault had recontact with police (67%) than those where the initial incident was a sexual offence (59%) (Table 6).

The difference was more pronounced for subsequent contact as an accused person: 58% of youth who were physically assaulted in 2010 later came into contact with police as an accused person, compared with 43% of those who were sexually assaulted.^Note  In contrast, the difference was marginal when it came to subsequent victimization: 47% of those who were physically assaulted in 2010 were victims again, compared to 46% of those who were sexually assaulted.

Early childhood experiences are often a focus of research on future outcomes related to crime and offending. Among victims who were younger children in 2010, almost three in ten (28%) of those who were sexually assaulted subsequently had contact with police as a victim in another incident, slightly higher than the proportion of those who were physically assaulted (25%).^Note 

Patterns of recontact associated with the type of offence are also likely shaped by gender differences, as girls are disproportionately victims of sexual offences. Furthermore, police-reported data include only incidents that come to the attention of police, and self-reported victimization surveys have consistently shown that only a small proportion of sexual assaults come to the attention of police (Conroy & Cotter, 2017; Cotter, 2021a). This underreporting can be compounded among child and youth victims, but also among men and boys who are victims of sexual offences.

No notable differences in recontact depending on presence of weapon in initial incident

There were no notable differences in recontact with police among child and youth victims of violent crime by presence of a weapon in the initial incident, regardless of age group.^Note  For example, similar proportions of youth, regardless of whether a weapon was present in the initial incident, had recontact as both victims and accused (33% when a weapon was present versus 34%), accused only (22% versus 18%), victims only (8% versus 11%), or had no further contact (37% versus 38%) (Table 7).

Notably, among youth, if there was a firearm present in the initial incident, recontact was slightly lower (60%) compared to when a different type of weapon, such as a knife or blunt instrument, was involved (64%).^Note 

Less police recontact observed when initial incident was not cleared

The clearance status of an incident—that is, whether an accused is identified by police and charged,^Note  identified but not charged, or not identified—may also shape future trajectories of police recontact for children and youth who experienced victimization. For example, if the accused person is charged in connection with the offence, there may be conditions put in place that alter or prevent future interactions with the perpetrator (e.g., no-contact orders, changes in parenting time or decision-making responsibility for a child). Alternatively, the involvement of a victim may be required in an investigation and, if charges proceed to court, a trial, which may exacerbate the negative impacts or trauma of victimization (Whitcomb, 2003).

There were differences observed in patterns of police recontact depending on the clearance status of the initial incident. Across the three age groups examined, those whose initial incident was not cleared (i.e., there was no accused person identified) less commonly had any recontact with police (Chart 3).

Chart 3 start

Chart 3 end

Overall, half (49%) of child and youth victims whose initial 2010 violent incident was not cleared by police had no further contact with police as neither a victim nor an accused person. This proportion declined to 39% among those where the accused person in the initial incident was charged or cleared otherwise.^Note 

While an incident being cleared is not in itself an indicator of severity, it is possible that some more serious and potentially more traumatic cases may be more likely to be cleared owing to the presence of physical evidence, such as DNA or physical injury.

Recontact with police highest among children and youth initially victimized in Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and the territories

Among child and youth victims of violent crime in 2010, the patterns observed overall held in each province and territory, with police recontact increasing with age at the time of initial violent victimization. The findings observed in terms of subsequent contact with police mirror those generally found in police-reported data, with the most recontact observed in the provinces and territories that tend to have the highest overall rates of police-reported crime: Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and the territories (Chart 4). 

Chart 4 start

Chart 4 end

For instance, among youth, two-thirds or more of those who were victims in 2010 in Manitoba (67%), Saskatchewan (71%), and the territories (84%) had at least one recontact with police as an accused person, while 63%, 61%, and 75%, respectively, were victims in a subsequent incident. In contrast, youth who were initially victims in Quebec or Ontario, where police-reported crime rates tend to be lower, had less recontact as accused (45% and 44%, respectively) or victims (41% and 35%, respectively).

It was also in Manitoba (53%,) Saskatchewan (53%), and the territories (70%) where the proportion of youth victims in 2010 had the highest proportions of recontact as both victims and accused persons, again highlighting the overlap between victimization and offending. Likewise, the proportion of youth who were later identified as both victims and accused persons was lowest in Quebec (28%) and Ontario (25%).

Start of text box 2

End of text box 2

Summary

This analysis explores subsequent contact with police among a cohort of children and youth who were victims of police-reported violent crime in 2010. Between the first incident in 2010 and the end of 2024, almost six in ten (58%) children and youth victims of a violent crime had subsequent contact with police as a victim of violent crime, a person accused of crime, or both.

Police recontact varied by age. The youngest children, those aged 0 to 5 in 2010, had the least recontact with police by the end of 2024 (31%). In contrast, 62% of youth aged 12 to 17 had recontact with police by the end of 2024.

There is also a clear overlap between subsequent victimization and offending among child and youth victims of violent crime. Of all child and youth victims of violent crime in 2010, 30% had recontact as both a victim and an accused person. Meanwhile, a smaller proportion had recontact as an accused only (17%) or victim only (11%).

Other characteristics, such as the type of violation and the accused-victim relationship, may contribute to differences in recontact with police following childhood victimization. Those who were initially victimized by a stranger had less recontact compared with those initially victimized by a family member or someone known to them.

Not all children and youth who were victims of violent crime in 2010 went on to have further contact with police. It is possible that factors other than the initial victimization shape trajectories of recontact. In other words, victimization or offending after the initial incident of victimization may not necessarily be related to the initial incident itself, but rather to broader factors that increased the risk of contact with police in the first place.

For example, external or societal factors—such as marginalization, intergenerational violence, socioeconomic status, and access to education—are associated with both the likelihood of being a victim and being a perpetrator of crime (Turanovic, 2023). Individual-level factors, such as depression and anxiety, have also been shown to be both predictors for and outcomes of victimization (Forbes et al., 2019).

Though external factors may play a role, it is also relevant to note that, when looking at the odds of violent victimization among adults in Canada, experiences of violence during childhood were one of the most significant risk factors, even when controlling for other characteristics (Cotter, 2021a).

Taken together, the data presented in this article support previous findings that victimization during childhood and youth may influence future contact with police as victims and as persons accused of crime. Future research can build upon this initial exploration, using the data file to examine longitudinal patterns of contact with police for specific groups or for specific types of violence. Linkages with other data sources can also be explored to analyze additional demographic and socioeconomic characteristics of children and youth who are victims of violent crime, further allowing for an assessment of risk and protective factors associated with recontact.  

Detailed data tables

Table 1 Child and youth victims of police-reported violent crime in 2010, by victim age at initial victimization and subsequent contact with police, 2010 to 2024

Table 2 Child and youth victims of police-reported violent crime in 2010, by victim age at initial victimization, gender, and subsequent contact with police, 2010 to 2024

Table 3 Child and youth victims of police-reported violent crime in 2010, by victim age group and relationship to accused person at time of initial victimization, and subsequent contact with police, 2010 to 2024

Table 4 Child and youth victims of police-reported violent crime in 2010, by victim age group at initial victimization, gender, and subsequent contact with police as an accused person, 2010 to 2024

Table 5 Child and youth victims of police-reported violent crime in 2010, by victim age group at initial victimization, gender, and subsequent contact with police as a victim, 2010 to 2024

Table 6 Child and youth victims of police-reported violent crime in 2010, by victim age group and type of violence at initial victimization, and subsequent contact with police, 2010 to 2024

Table 7 Child and youth victims of police-reported violent crime in 2010, by victim age group and weapon presence at initial victimization, and subsequent contact with police, 2010 to 2024

Survey description

Uniform Crime Reporting Survey

The Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) Survey was established in 1962 with the co-operation and assistance of the Canadian Association of Chiefs of Police. The UCR Survey measures criminal incidents that have been reported to federal, provincial, and municipal police services in Canada.

One incident can involve multiple offences. To ensure comparability, counts presented in this article are based on the most serious offence in the incident as determined by a standard classification rule used by all police services. Counts based on all violations are available upon request.

Methodology and limitations

As this analysis is based on police-reported data, it captures only those incidents that are officially recorded and reported by police. Individuals may have experiences of victimization or may perpetrate behaviour that would be criminal, but are not reflected in official statistics because they are never reported. It may also mean that certain non-criminal adverse experiences—such as emotional abuse and witnessing violence between parents—are not reflected, despite research showing that these experiences can have similar outcomes (Cotter, 2021a; Cotter & Savage, 2019).

Levels of reporting are not the same for all offences and vary depending on many factors. For example, certain types of violence, such as sexual assault, intimate partner violence, and family-related violence, are less likely to be reported to police (Conroy, 2021; Cotter, 2021a). Furthermore, underreporting is compounded when the victim is a child or youth, particularly one who is very young, as they may not know how to report, they may not recognize that certain behaviours are wrong and warrant reporting, and they may be dependent on others to notice and report on their behalf (Finkelhor et al., 2001; Kuoppamaki et al., 2011). The likelihood of reporting may also be influenced by the relationship between the victim, the accused, and the third party.  

Another limitation of the file is the way in which subsequent contact was defined. Once the initial contact was identified, any incidents that were reported on or after that date were considered subsequent contacts (i.e., recontacts). It is possible that some children and youth were victims and accused in the same initial incident (e.g., a physical altercation between peers). The way the file was compiled, this would count as being a victim of crime, with recontact as an accused person, which may slightly overestimate recontact as an accused person and not necessarily reflect the reality of the trajectory.^Note 

Some experiences for some members of the cohort are not included or represented. For example, someone who was a victim of crime at age 15 in 2010 may have been victimized on one or more prior occasions, and this may have impacted their future trajectory. This would not be reflected in the analysis as the incident in 2010 would appear to be their “first” contact.

By starting the follow-up period after the first instance of victimization in 2010 and therefore misattributing an incident as a “first” contact, it is also possible that the trajectory is misrepresented in another way. For instance, some child and youth victims of crime—particularly older children and youth—may have come into contact with police as an accused person prior to their first contact as a victim. This is not captured by the data file and not reflected in the analysis.

Despite these limitations, the linked file makes it possible to follow individuals longitudinally providing the opportunity to examine their trajectories and determine patterns of contact and characteristics associated with differences in future outcomes.

References

Afifi, T.O. & MacMillan, H.L. (2011). Resilience following child maltreatment: A review of protective factors. Canadian Journal of Psychiatry, 56(5), 266-272.

Benedini, K.M., Fagan, A.A., & Gibson, C.L. (2016). The cycle of victimization: the relationship between childhood maltreatment and adolescent peer victimization. Child Abuse & Neglect, 59, 111-121.

Burczycka, M. (2016). Profile of Canadian adults who experienced childhood maltreatment. In Family violence in Canada: A statistical profile, 2015. Juristat. Statistics Canada catalogue no. 85-002-X. 

Canadian Centre for Justice and Community Safety Statistics. (2023). Police-reported Indigenous and Racialized Identity Data Through the Uniform Crime Reporting Survey: Progress Update and Next Steps. Statistics Canada.

Carrington, P.J. (2007). The development of police-reported delinquency among Canadian youth born in 1987 and 1990. Crime and Justice Research Paper Series. Statistics Canada catalogue no. 85-561-MIE.

Carrington, P.J. & Schulenberg, J.L. (2003). Police Discretion with Young Offenders. Ottawa. Department of Justice Canada.

Conroy, S. (2021). Spousal violence in Canada, 2019. Juristat. Statistics Canada catalogue no. 85-002-X. 

Conroy, S. & Cotter, A. (2017). Self-reported sexual assault in Canada, 2014. Juristat. Statistics Canada catalogue no. 85-002-X. 

Cotter, A. (2024). Criminal justice outcomes of sexual assault in Canada, 2015 to 2019. Juristat. Statistics Canada catalogue no. 85-002-X. 

Cotter, A. (2021a). Criminal victimization in Canada, 2019. Juristat. Statistics Canada catalogue no. 85-002-X. 

Cotter, A. (2021b). Intimate partner violence in Canada, 2018: An overview. Juristat. Statistics Canada catalogue no. 85-002-X. 

Cotter, A. & Beaupré, P. (2014). Police-reported sexual offences against children and youth in Canada, 2012. Juristat. Statistics Canada catalogue no. 85-002-X. 

Cotter, A. & Savage, L. (2019). Gender-based violence and unwanted sexual behaviour in Canada, 2018: Initial findings from the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces. Juristat. Statistics Canada catalogue no. 85-002-X. 

Fernandez, C.A., Christ, S.L., LeBlanc, W.G., Arheart, K.L., Dietz, N.A., McCollister, K.E., Fleming, L.E., Muntaner, C., Muennig, P., & Lee, D.J. (2015). Effect of childhood victimization on occupational prestige and income trajectories. PLoS One, 10(2).

Finkelhor, D., Ormrod, R., & Turner, H. (2007). Poly-victimization: A neglected component in child victimization. Child Abuse & Neglect, 31(1), 7-26.

Finkelhor, D., Wolak, J., & Berliner, L. (2001). Police reporting and professional help seeking for child crime victims: A review.Child Maltreatment, 6(1), 17-30.

Fitzpatrick, R. (2003). An examination of sex differences in delinquency. Crime and Justice Research Paper Series. Statistics Canada catalogue no. 85-561-MIE.

Forbes, M.K., Fitzpatrick, S., Magson, N.R., & Rapee, R.M. (2019). Depression, anxiety, and peer victimization: Bidirectional relationships and associated outcomes transitioning from childhood to adolescence. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 48(4), 692-702.

Hamby, S., Taylor, E., Mitchell, K., Jones, L., & Newlin, C. (2020). Poly-victimization, trauma, and resilience: Exploring strengths that promote thriving after adversity.Journal of Trauma & Dissociation, 21(3), 376–395

Heidinger, L. (2022). Profile of Canadians who experienced victimization during childhood, 2018. Juristat. Statistics Canada catalogue no. 85-002-X. 

Jennings, W.G., Piquero, A.R., & Reingle, J.M. (2011). On the overlap between victimization and offending: A review of the literature. Aggression and Violent Behaviour, 16, 485-492.

Kuoppamaki, S-M., Kaariainen, J., & Ellonen, N. (2011). Physical violence against children reported to the police: Discrepancies between register-based data and child victim survey.Violence and Victims, 26(2), 257-268.

McDougall, P. & Vaillancourt, T. (2015). Long-term adult outcomes of peer victimization in childhood and adolescence: Pathways to adjustment and maladjustment. American Psychologist, 70(4), 300-310.

McGrath, S.A., Nilsen, A.A., & Kerley, K.R. (2011). Sexual victimization in childhood and the propensity for juvenile delinquency and adult criminal behaviour: A systematic review. Aggression and Violent Behaviour, 16.

Mersky, J.P., Topitzes, J., & Reynolds, A.J. (2012). Unsafe at any age: linking childhood and adolescent maltreatment to delinquency and crime. Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency, 49(2), 295-318.

Mulford, C.F., Blachman-Demner, D.R., Pitzer, L., Schubert, C.A., Piquero, A.R., & Mulvey, E.P. (2018). Victim offender overlap: Dual trajectory examination of victimization and offending among young felony offenders over seven years. Victimization and Offenders, 13(1), 1-27.

National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls (MMIWG). (2019). Reclaiming Power and Place: The Final Report of the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls.

Neppl, T.K., Lohman, B.J., Senia, J.M., Kavanaugh, S.A., & Cui, M. (2019). Intergenerational continuity of psychological violence: Intimate partner relationships and harsh parenting. Psychology of Violence, 9(3), 298-307.

Office of the Federal Ombudsman for Victims of Crime (OFOVC). (2021). (Not all) Hurt people hurt people: Re-thinking the victim-offender overlap.

Perez, C.M. & Widom, C.S. (1994). Childhood victimization and long-term intellectual and academic outcomes. Child Abuse & Neglect, 18(4), 617-633.

Perreault, S. (2022). Victimization of First Nations people, Métis and Inuit in Canada. Juristat. Statistics Canada catalogue no. 85-002-X. 

Powers, R.A., Cochran, J.K., Maskaly, J., & Sellers, C.S. (2017). Social learning theory, gender, and intimate partner violent victimization: A structural equations approach. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 1-27.

Richards, T.N., Tillyer, M.S., & Wright, E.M. (2017). Intimate partner violence and the overlap of perpetration and victimization: Considering the influence of physical, sexual, and emotional abuse in childhood. Criminology and Criminal Justice Faculty Publications, 46.

Rotenberg, C. (2017). From arrest to conviction: Court outcomes of police-reported sexual assaults in Canda, 2009 to 2014. Juristat. Statistics Canada catalogue no. 85-002-X. 

Schaefer, L.M., Howell, K.H., Schwartz, L.E., Bottomley, J.S., & Crossnine, C.B. (2018). A concurrent examination of protective factors associated with resilience and posttraumatic growth following childhood victimization. Child Abuse & Neglect, 85, 17-27.

Scrafford, K.E., Grein, K., & Miller-Graff, L.E. (2018). Legacies of childhood victimization: Indirect effects on adult mental health through re-victimization. Journal of Child and Adolescent Trauma, 11, 317-326.

Swanston, H.Y., Parkinson, P.N., O’Toole, B.I., Plunkett, A.M., Shrimpton, S., & Oates, R.K. (2003). Juvenile crime, aggression and delinquency after sexual abuse: A longitudinal study. British Journal of Criminology, 43, 729-749.

Takizawa, R., Maughan, B., & Arsenault, L. (2014). Adult health outcomes of childhood bullying victimization: Evidence from a five-decade longitudinal British birth cohort. American Journal of Psychiatry, 171, 777-784.

Turanovic, J.J. (2023). Victimization and its consequences over the life course. Crime and Justice, 52.

Whitcomb, D. (2003). Legal interventions for child victims. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 16(2), 149-157.

Widom, C.S. & Ames, M.A. (1994). Criminal consequences of childhood sexual victimization. Child Abuse & Neglect, 18(4), 303-318.

Widom, C.S., Czaja, S.J., & Dutton, M.A. (2008). Childhood victimization and lifetime revictimization. Child Abuse & Neglect, 32(8), 785-796.

Widom, C.S., Czaja, S.J. & Dutton, M.A. (2014). Child abuse and neglect and intimate partner violence victimization and perpetration: A prospective investigation.Child Abuse & Neglect, 38(4), 650-663.

Wright, K.A., Turanovic, J.J., O’Neal, E.N., Morse, S.J., & Booth, E.T. (2016). The cycle of violence revisited: Childhood victimization, resilience, and future violence. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 1-26.