Intimate partner violence: Experiences of First Nations, Métis and Inuit women in Canada, 2018

Violence against First Nations, Métis and Inuit (Indigenous)^Note  persons has implications for all Canadians and reflects the history of violence and trauma of Indigenous peoples in Canada. Several generations of Indigenous peoples were impacted and continue to be impacted by colonialization and related policies that eroded cultural practices, violently suppressed language and religion, and dismantled Indigenous families and communities (Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls 2019). The historical context of violence and trauma has set Indigenous families and communities on trajectories of disadvantage and created socioeconomic and health inequalities that have persisted across generations.

Indigenous peoples are more likely to experience violent victimization than non-Indigenous peoples. More specifically, Indigenous women and girls are at a disproportionate risk and face among the highest rates of violent and non-violent victimization of all population groups in Canada (Allen 2020; Boyce 2016; Perreault and Simpson 2016). As one of the most pervasive forms of violence against women in general (Conroy 2021), intimate partner violence—that is, violence committed by a current or former legally married or common-law spouse, or dating partner—is a key element of the violence experienced by Indigenous women, having impacts on victims^Note , their families and communities that are significant and long lasting.

Intimate partner violence (IPV) encompasses many behaviours and includes actions that are both criminal and non-criminal. Women are overrepresented as victims of IPV and have high rates of both self-reported and police-reported violence. In the context of their intimate partnerships, women may experience emotional and financial abuse as well as sexual assault, physical assault and homicide. Indigenous women are at an even greater risk and have one of the highest rates of spousal violence in Canada (Boyce 2016; Brennan 2011). Furthermore, Indigenous women are more at risk of experiencing violence by a spouse (Burczycka 2016) and in this context more often experience forms of violence considered to be the most severe—for example, homicide (Moreau et al. 2020) and being sexually assaulted, beaten or choked (Boyce 2016).

Various forms of IPV can result in both short- and long-term consequences, and impact the victim as well as their family and their community. Intergenerational trauma, the perpetuation of violence and victimization across generations, plays an important role in the prevalence of IPV among women and their families (Andersson and Nahwegahbown 2010). Canadian research has shown that many women who experience abuse in childhood go on to experience IPV as adults (Burczycka 2017). Physical and sexual child abuse, as well as children’s exposure to violence, can negatively affect psychological and social development in the context of relationships, and may increase the risk of IPV by creating an environment where violence is depicted as an acceptable means of resolving conflict (see Brownridge et al. 2017 for an overview of this research).

Intergenerational trauma is of particular importance to those seeking to understand Indigenous women’s experiences of IPV. Intergenerational trauma resulting from colonization, and the forceful erasure of culture and tradition, is present in the lives of many Indigenous peoples (Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls 2019). The enduring negative consequences of historical trauma, discrimination and violence rooted in colonialism in Canada, such as the Indian Act, sixties scoop, and residential schools, may further influence Indigenous women’s disproportionate risk of IPV later in life (Burczycka 2017; Brownridge et al. 2017).

In addition, Indigenous women continue to face structural and systemic realties that increase their risk of experiencing various forms of violence, including IPV (Andersson and Nahwegahbown 2010). Systemic racism contributes to barriers that may further prevent many Indigenous women from seeking help following violent or traumatic experiences, such as cultural barriers to accessing resources, inaccessibility of supports and services, and the mistrust in the police, criminal justice system, and institutions intended to protect (Canada Parliament 2020a; Canada Parliament 2020b; Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls 2019; Pauktuutit Inuit Women of Canada and Comack 2020).

Barriers to accessing services may disproportionately impact Indigenous women residing in remote communities with majority Indigenous populations where rates of police-reported IPV can be ten times higher than those found in non-Indigenous communities (Allen 2020). The geographic situation of these communities may influence the availability of victims’ services and housing, and may trap women with their abuser (House of Commons 2019). Other characteristics of these communities can further increase women’s risk, including an increased availability of weapons, limited access to legal services, poverty, barriers to maintaining the confidentiality of reports of abuse, and social, cultural and psychological isolation (United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights 2019).

This article focuses on the experiences of Indigenous women in Canada, and where possible provides results for First Nations, Métis, and Inuit Indigenous identity groups. It is one in a series of short reports examining experiences of IPV based on self-reported data from the 2018 Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces (SSPPS) for various populations. Through this series, the prevalence, nature, and impact of IPV on Canadians is examined. Experiences of IPV among sexual minority women (Jaffray 2021a) and men (Jaffray 2021b), women with disabilities (Savage 2021a), young women (Savage 2021b), and ethno-cultural minority women (Cotter 2021a) are examined in the other reports within this series, as are the experiences of women and men in general (Cotter 2021b).^Note  

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About six in ten Indigenous women have experienced some form of IPV in their lifetime

There are various forms of IPV and they may occur as a single abusive event or as repeated events. Some forms of IPV are considered more severe and may be more overt, such as sexual and physical abuse. Other forms of IPV, such as psychological abuse, are sometimes less overt but may impact the overall sense of safety of victims and have detrimental consequences for victims and their families. Indigenous women (61%) were more likely to experience some form of IPV in their lifetime (since the age of 15^Note ) compared with non-Indigenous women (44%).^Note  Similarly, when asked about the past 12 months, 1 in 6 (17%) Indigenous women experienced at least one form of IPV—psychological, physical or sexual—compared with 12% of non-Indigenous women (Table 1).^Note 

Psychological abuse is often characterized by behaviours intended to control, isolate, manipulate or humiliate victims. Similar to other forms of IPV, psychological abuse can have pervasive and long lasting impacts on victims, with detrimental consequences continuing even after contact with an abuser ends (Karakurt 2014). Psychological abuse was the most commonly experienced form of IPV by both Indigenous and non-Indigenous women; however, a significantly higher proportion of Indigenous women experienced psychological abuse in their lifetime (60%) and in the past 12 months (17%) compared with the proportions among non-Indigenous women who experienced this abuse in their lifetime (42%) or in the past 12 months (12%; Table 2A).

Relative to non-Indigenous women (42%), significantly higher proportions of First Nations (57%) and Métis (63%) women experienced psychological IPV by an intimate partner in their lifetime. However, no difference was noted for Inuit women who reported experiencing similar proportions of psychological IPV to non-Indigenous women (Table 2B).

This finding is consistent with previous research on intergenerational trauma. Histories of systemic violence and trauma, such as police brutality, emotional and sexual abuse in residential schools and by persons of authority, and forced displacement and assimilation has resulted in the mistrust and strained relationship with police and the criminal justice system. The inability of systems of justice to protect Inuit women and failed responses by programs of protection may contribute to the hesitation among Inuit women to report violent behaviours (Pauktuutit Inuit Women of Canada and Comack 2020; Perreault 2020a; Williams 2019; Brassard et al. 2015). Furthermore, the history of violence resulting from colonization and cultural suppression may lead to the normalization of violence among Inuit women. This normalization in experiences of violence may result in Inuit women not acknowledging some behaviours as forms of abuse as the constant threat of violence is perceived as acceptable and a normal part of life (Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls 2019).

Indigenous women more likely to experience each specific IPV behaviour measured

IPV was measured by asking respondents about their experiences of 27 individual behaviours, broadly grouped into three categories of abuse: psychological, physical, and sexual. Indigenous women were significantly more likely than non-Indigenous women to have experienced each of the 27 different behaviours by an intimate partner in their lifetime. In addition, among Indigenous women who were victims of IPV in their lifetime, approximately 9 in 10 (89% compared with 84% of non-Indigenous women) experienced two or more IPV behaviours and 4 in 5 (83% compared with 71% of non-Indigenous women) experienced 3 or more IPV behaviours by an intimate partner. The abuse could have been perpetrated by the same partner or different intimate partners; however, Indigenous women were more likely than non-Indigenous women to indicate having had two or more different abusive partners (40% versus 29%). More specifically, 18% of Indigenous women had three or more abusive partners in their lifetime, more than double the proportion among non-Indigenous women (7%). In other words, Indigenous women were more likely to experience repeated trauma through victimization by multiple abusive partners.

A larger proportion of Indigenous women, compared with non-Indigenous women, had an intimate partner in their lifetime who: put them down or called them names (50% versus 31% of non-Indigenous women); was jealous (46% versus 29%); told them they were crazy, stupid, or not good enough (44% versus 26%); or demanded to know who they were with and where they were at all times (35% versus 19%; Table 1). These behaviours were the most commonly experienced IPV behaviours, and Indigenous women were significantly more likely to experience these behaviours compared with non-Indigenous women.

There were a few notable psychologically abusive behaviours where Indigenous women were particularly overrepresented and where differences compared with non-Indigenous women were much larger (Table 1). Indigenous women were almost three times more likely to experience financial abuse by an intimate partner in their lifetime compared with non-Indigenous women. Specifically, 16% of Indigenous women (compared with 6% of non-Indigenous women) were forced to give their partner money or possessions and 13% of Indigenous women (compared with 3% of non-Indigenous women) were kept from having access to a job, money, or financial resources. Financial cost and lack of access to financial resources may pose a barrier to leaving an abuser, in particular for Indigenous women who disproportionately experience higher levels of impoverishment and marginalization. The control of finances may force an economic dependency that increases the difficulty of leaving an abuser and traps victims in abusive relationships (for a review, see Postmus et al. 2020). These findings highlight the importance of access to financial resources that may be necessary for Indigenous women to escape abusive relationships.

4 in 10 Indigenous women experienced physical abuse by an intimate partner in their lifetime

Physical and sexual violence are often considered more severe forms of IPV since they are typically more violent in nature and more likely to reach the threshold of criminal victimization. A significantly higher proportion of Indigenous women (44%) compared with non-Indigenous women (25%) experienced either physical or sexual abuse by an intimate partner in their lifetime (Table 2A).

Overall, Indigenous women (42%) were almost twice as likely as non-Indigenous women (22%) to experience physical abuse by an intimate partner in their lifetime. However, Indigenous women experienced disproportionately higher levels of some specific physical abuse behaviours. In particular, Indigenous women were approximately three times more likely than non-Indigenous women to have an intimate partner in their lifetime who: threatened them with a weapon (13% versus 4% of non-Indigenous women); choked them (17% versus 6%); or beat them (16% versus 6%). Furthermore, Indigenous women were two times more likely than non-Indigenous women to have been shaken, pushed, grabbed or thrown (32% versus 17% of non-Indigenous women) or hit with a fist or object, or kicked or bit (26% versus 11%) by an intimate partner in their lifetime (Table 1).

First Nations women (42%) and Métis women (46%) were approximately twice as likely to experience physical abuse by an intimate partner in their lifetime compared with non-Indigenous women (22%). About one-third of Inuit women (34%) reported experiencing this type of IPV in their lifetime; however, as was the case when looking at psychological IPV, this was not statistically different from the proportion reported by non-Indigenous women (Table 2B).

Indigenous women twice as likely to experience sexual abuse by intimate partner in their lifetime

In general, women disproportionately experience sexual abuse by an intimate partner in their lifetime relative to men (see Cotter 2021b). Women overall are significantly more likely to experience this form of abuse; however, SSPPS results further indicate that Indigenous women are particularly at risk. Approximately 1 in 5 (21%) Indigenous women experienced sexual abuse by an intimate partner in their lifetime, almost twice the proportion among non-Indigenous women (11%; Table 2A).

Indigenous women were approximately two times more likely than non-Indigenous women to have had an intimate partner in their lifetime who: forced or tried to force them to have sex (19% versus 9% of non-Indigenous women) or made them perform a sex act they did not want to perform (17% versus 8% of non-Indigenous women; Table 1).

Relative to non-Indigenous women, a significantly higher proportion of First Nations women (18%) experienced sexual abuse by an intimate partner in their lifetime. Métis women (26%) were more than twice as likely as non-Indigenous women (11%) to experience sexual abuse by an intimate partner in their lifetime. Consistent with other forms of IPV mentioned above, differences in reported experiences of sexual IPV between Inuit women and non-Indigenous women were not statistically significant (Table 2B).

Indigenous women experience disproportionate risk for violence when part of other marginalized groups

The intersection of Indigenous identity with other socioeconomic and demographic characteristics contributes to the disproportionate risk of IPV for Indigenous women that are part of other marginalized groups. Marginalized individuals may experience barriers to social, economic or political resources; these lower levels of support among marginalized populations may increase the risk of IPV and exacerbate potential consequences or impacts following abuse or violence.

Indigenous peoples may be restricted in access to both education and employment on the basis of geography and the history of systemic racism (Mitrou et al. 2014; Restoule et al. 2013). Structural factors contribute to the inadequate education and employment opportunities that may be afforded to Indigenous peoples (Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls 2019). Indigenous peoples have lower levels of formal education compared with the non-Indigenous population (Statistics Canada 2015), particularly among adults aged 25 to 64. Rates of unemployment are also higher among Indigenous peoples of core working age (aged 25 to 64). Education and employment are strong predictors of income and indicators of socio-economic attainment. Considering the lower levels of education and employment that can result from these structural barriers, Indigenous peoples on average report lower incomes compared with non-Indigenous peoples (Statistics Canada 2015).

LGBTQ2S Indigenous women (86%) were more likely to experience lifetime IPV compared with non- LGBTQ2S Indigenous women (59%; for full results see Jaffray 2021a). In addition, Indigenous women who are lesbian, gay, bisexual, or another sexual orientation other than heterosexual (LGB+) were five times more likely than non-Indigenous women who are lesbian, gay, bisexual, or another sexual orientation other than heterosexual (LGB+) to have experienced an intimate partner who revealed or threatened to reveal information about their sexuality or sexual orientation (25% versus 5%, respectively). Similarly, a significantly larger proportion of Indigenous women with a disability (74%) experienced IPV in their lifetime compared with Indigenous women without a disability (46%; for full results see Savage 2021a; Table 3).

The intersection of multiple identities contributes to a better understanding of the disproportionate risk of IPV and the differences in consequences following experiences of IPV among certain populations. While Indigenous women experience a higher prevalence of experiencing IPV compared with non-Indigenous women, the intersection of Indigenous identity with other socioeconomic and demographic characteristics adds another layer of risk and increases the vulnerability to experiences of violence.

IPV linked to early experiences of child abuse

Adverse childhood experiences are consistently linked to various detrimental adult outcomes. In particular, experiences of childhood violence are associated with a higher risk of IPV, as a victim or perpetrator, during adulthood (Whitfield et al. 2003). A history of abuse and violence, including witnessing violence, during childhood may contribute to a normalization of violence in interpersonal relationships and the cyclical experience of IPV that continually perpetuates violence and harm (Brownridge et al. 2017).

It is important to note that the intergenerational trauma linked to historical experiences of extreme neglect and violence experienced by Indigenous peoples in Canada is enduring and continually perpetuates violence across generations. Among other traumatic experiences, Indigenous children were forcibly removed from their families and communities and placed in residential schools or foster homes that dismantled Indigenous culture and where many Indigenous children experienced abuse and neglect (Gone 2013; Andersson and Nahwegahbown 2010). Furthermore, Indigenous children continue to be overrepresented in the child welfare system (Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls 2019).

Historical trauma is linked to an increased risk of experiencing violence during childhood through intergenerational trauma. In general, a larger proportion of Indigenous peoples, compared with non-Indigenous peoples, experienced abuse during childhood. Additionally, Indigenous peoples were also more likely to have witnessed violence in their household as children, relative to non-Indigenous peoples (Burczycka 2016). The disproportionate risk for IPV during adulthood among Indigenous women may reflect the higher proportion of Indigenous women who experienced a history of childhood abuse and violence.

The 2018 SSPPS confirms these findings; 42% of Indigenous women reported having been physically or sexually abused by an adult during childhood compared with 28% of non-Indigenous women. The impact of these experiences on IPV during adulthood was notable: four in five (80%) Indigenous women who experienced physical or sexual abuse before the age of 15 experienced IPV in their lifetime, almost twice the proportion of Indigenous women who did not experience this abuse (47%). Similarly, a higher proportion of Indigenous women who experienced physical or sexual abuse before the age of 15 experienced IPV in the past 12 months (22%), almost twice the proportion reported by Indigenous women who did not experience childhood violence (13%).

This pattern was also evident among non-Indigenous women. A higher proportion of non-Indigenous women who experienced physical or sexual abuse before the age of 15 experienced IPV in their lifetime (66%) compared with the proportion of non-Indigenous women who did not experience abuse before the age of 15 (34%). Approximately 1 in 5 (18%) non-Indigenous women who experienced abuse before the age of 15 experienced IPV in the past 12 months compared with 1 in 10 (10%) non-Indigenous women who did not experience childhood violence (Table 3).

Historical trauma linked to forced assimilation and cultural oppression may also negatively influence parenting patterns and further transmit trauma across future generations through the intergenerational cycle of family violence (Palacios and Portillo 2009). Maltreatment and emotional abuse during childhood are components of harsh parenting—that is, having been slapped, spanked, made to feel unwanted or unloved, or been neglected or having basic needs go unmet by parents or caregivers during childhood. Children who are exposed to violence or are abused are more likely to experience harsh parenting, and experiences of harsh parenting during childhood increase the risk of emotional, physical and sexual abuse during childhood and the risk of experiencing IPV in adulthood (Afifi et al. 2017). The co-occurrence of experiencing both abuse and harsh parenting during childhood has a lasting detrimental impact on development, with the negative implications continuing well into adulthood (Grasso et al. 2016).

Overall, 68% of Indigenous women and 65% of non-Indigenous women experienced harsh parenting during childhood, and subsequently were more likely to experience IPV in their lifetime. Approximately, 7 in 10 (71%) Indigenous women who experienced harsh parenting experienced IPV in their lifetime, almost twice the proportion of Indigenous women who did not experience this abuse (38%). Similarly, a higher proportion of Indigenous women who experienced harsh parenting experienced IPV in the past 12 months (19%) compared with the proportion reported by Indigenous women who did not experience harsh parenting (13%).

This pattern was also evident among non-Indigenous women. Approximately 1 in 2 (53%) non-Indigenous women who experienced harsh parenting experienced IPV in their lifetime, twice the proportion reported by non-Indigenous women who did not experience harsh parenting (25%). A higher proportion of non-Indigenous women who experienced harsh parenting (14%) experienced IPV in the past 12 months compared with 1 in 10 (8%) non-Indigenous women who did not experience harsh parenting (Table 3).

Indigenous women more likely to experience fear and feelings of being controlled or trapped by a partner

Results from the SSPPS clearly indicate that a larger proportion of Indigenous women experienced IPV and that Indigenous women were overrepresented in IPV behaviours often considered more severe. Experiences of fear may further indicate that the violence is relatively more severe, coercive and part of a pattern of behaviours that occur on a repeated basis (Johnson and Leone 2005). Among women who experienced IPV in their lifetime, over 1 in 2 (52%) Indigenous women were ever afraid of a partner compared with about one-third (36%) of non-Indigenous women.

Feeling controlled or trapped by a partner or feeling anxious or on edge because of a partner are also possible emotional or psychological impacts of IPV and provide additional context to experiences of abuse. Indigenous women who experienced IPV in their lifetime (56%) were also more likely to report feeling controlled or trapped by an intimate partner than non-Indigenous women who experienced IPV in their lifetime (42%). Similar proportions of Indigenous (62%) and non-Indigenous (57%) women who experienced IPV in their lifetime reported feeling anxious or on edge because of any partner.

Impact of IPV on Indigenous women similar to non-Indigenous women

When looking at consequences and actions taken by women who were victims of IPV in the past 12 months, there were no statistically significant differences in self-reported outcomes or actions taken between Indigenous women and non-Indigenous women (Chart 1).

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Over 9 in 10 Indigenous (94%) and non-Indigenous (92%) women who experienced IPV in the past 12 months reported that the incident had an emotional impact. Similar proportions of Indigenous (19%) and non-Indigenous (20%) women who experienced IPV in the past 12 months experienced an injury from the abuse. One in four (25%) Indigenous women experienced symptoms consistent with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) in the past 12 months; this was not significantly different from non-Indigenous women.

Approximately 7 in 10 Indigenous (70%) and non-Indigenous (68%) women spoke with someone about the abuse they experienced and 12% of Indigenous and 13% of non-Indigenous women used or contacted a service following abuse in the past 12 months (Chart 1).

Non-significant differences in results may reflect the barriers among Indigenous women to report IPV or access services. For example, cultural barriers to accessing resources, inaccessibility of supports and services, and the mistrust in the police, criminal justice system, and institutions intended to protect may prevent Indigenous women from seeking help following violent or traumatic experiences (Canada Parliament 2020a; Canada, Parliament 2020b; Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls 2019; Pauktuutit Inuit Women of Canada and Comack 2020). Other potential cultural practices and processes of healing in Indigenous communities may not be captured by the measures collected in the SSPPS.

Furthermore, non-significant differences in results may reflect the potential normalization of experiences of gendered violence among Indigenous women, whereby Indigenous women may begin to expect violent experiences and perceive these experiences as acceptable. Intergenerational violence disproportionately places Indigenous women at risk of growing up in abusive households and witnessing gendered violence (Gone 2013). Violence becomes a normalized part of interpersonal relationships and life. The consequences of IPV among Indigenous women may be muted or overlooked by victims of violence and may lead Indigenous women to underreport impacts of gendered violence (Pauktuutit Inuit Women of Canada and Comack 2020).

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Detailed data tables

Table 1 Intimate partner violence since age 15 and in the past 12 months, by type of intimate partner violence and Indigenous identity, Canada, 2018

Table 2A Intimate partner violence since age 15 and in the past 12 months, by Indigenous identity, Canada, 2018

Table 2B Intimate partner violence since age 15 and in the past 12 months, by Indigenous identity group, Canada, 2018

Table 3 Intimate partner violence since age 15 and in the past 12 months, by selected characteristics of victim and Indigenous identity, Canada, 2018

Table 4A Physical and sexual assault committed by intimate partners and non-intimate partners since age 15, by Indigenous identity, Canada, 2018

Table 4B Physical and sexual assault committed by intimate partners and non-intimate partners since age 15, by indigenous identity group, Canada, 2018

Table 5A Physical and sexual assault committed by intimate partners and non-intimate partners in the past 12 months, by Indigenous identity, Canada, 2018

Table 5B Physical and sexual assault committed by intimate partners and non-intimate partners in the past 12 months, by Indigenous identity group, Canada, 2018

Table 6 Physical and sexual assault committed by intimate partners and non-intimate partners since age 15, by region and Indigenous identity, 2018

Survey description

In 2018, Statistics Canada conducted the first cycle of the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces (SSPPS). The purpose of the survey is to collect information on Canadians’ experiences in public, at work, online, and in their intimate partner relationships.

The target population for the SSPPS is the Canadian population aged 15 and older, living in the provinces and territories. Canadians residing in institutions are not included. This means that the survey results may not reflect the experiences of intimate partner violence among those living in shelters, institutions, or other collective dwellings. Once a household was contacted, an individual 15 years or older was randomly selected to respond to the survey.

In the provinces, data collection took place from April to December 2018 inclusively. Responses were obtained by self-administered online questionnaire or by interviewer-administered telephone questionnaire. Respondents were able to respond in the official language of their choice. The sample size for the 10 provinces was 43,296 respondents. The response rate in the provinces was 43.1%.

In the territories, data collection took place from July to December 2018 inclusively. Responses were obtained by self-administered online questionnaire or by interviewer-administered in-person questionnaire. Respondents were able to respond in the official language of their choice. The sample size for the 3 territories was 2,597 respondents. The response rate in the territories was 73.2%.

Non-respondents included people who refused to participate, could not be reached, or could not speak English or French. Respondents in the sample were weighted so that their responses represent the non-institutionalized Canadian population aged 15 and older.

Data limitations

As with any household survey, there are some data limitations. The results are based on a sample and are therefore subject to sampling errors. Somewhat different results might have been obtained if the entire population had been surveyed.

For the quality of estimates, the lower and upper bounds of the confidence intervals are presented. Confidence intervals should be interpreted as follows: If the survey were repeated many times, then 95% of the time (or 19 times out of 20), the confidence interval would cover the true population value.

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