Insights on Canadian Society
Food insecurity among Canadian families

by Sharanjit Uppal

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Acknowledgements

This study was funded by the Maple Leaf Centre for Food Security - a registered charity created to reduce food insecurity in Canada.

Introduction

Food security refers to “when all people, at all times, have physical and economic access to sufficient safe and nutritious food that meets their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life”.^Note  There are four dimensions of food security: physical availability of food, economic and physical access to food, food utilization, and stability of the other three dimensions over time. All four dimensions must be fulfilled simultaneously for food security objectives to be met.

Food insecurity, on the other hand, is “the inability to acquire or consume an adequate diet quality or sufficient quantity of food in socially acceptable ways, or the uncertainty that one will be able to so”.^Note  It usually results from an inability to access adequate food due to financial constraints. Food insecurity is a serious concern as it has been found to be associated with various chronic conditions,^Note  mental health problems^Note  and other diseases and infections.^Note  It has also been found to increase the likelihood of hospitalization^Note and has been linked to premature mortality,^Note  and as such, puts pressure on the health care system. Recent Canadian studies on food insecurity have looked at its association with various sociodemographic and economic characteristics,^Note  the association with mental health,^Note  unmet health care needs^Note  and changes in prevalence during the COVID-19 pandemic.^Note 

Now known as a key indicator in the goal of reducing poverty, monitoring the prevalence of food security was first identified in the 2018 Opportunity for All – Canada’s First Poverty Reduction Strategy. It has since been reinforced with the 2021 Government of Canada Quality of Life Framework that identifies food security as a well-being indicator, falling under the ‘prosperity’ domain. Addressing the need for data on this indicator, Statistics Canada launched the Household Food Security Survey Module (HFSSM) in the 2018 Canadian Income Survey, with a view to measure and track trends in food insecurity over time.^Note  The module covers a full spectrum of food insecurity, from worrying about running out of food, to children not eating for a whole day (see Data sources and definitions).

In this study, data from the 2021 Canadian Income Survey are used to examine how food insecurity (marginally, moderately and severely food insecure) varies among Canadian families (economic families and unattached individuals) living in the ten provinces.^Note  Included are families living below and above the poverty line, as it is recognized that income alone is not the sole driver in food insecurity.^Note  Other financial constraints, namely high levels of debt and/or low levels of assets (in other words, low levels of net worth), are examined based on data from the 2019 Survey of Financial Security.^Note  While the SFS does not include information on food insecurity, these data can be used to provide a profile of the financial situation of groups most likely to be food insecure (based on CIS findings).

The article is divided into three sections. The first section examines overall patterns in food insecurity. This is followed by a look into the relationship between income and food insecurity, exploring families most vulnerable to experiencing food insecurity below and above the poverty line. The last section takes a look at the possible role of assets and debts in food insecurity. Given the use of cross-sectional data, the results in this article should be interpreted as associations and not causal relationships.

Section 1 Food insecurity: Who is most at risk?

In 2022, 18% of families in Canada, representing 6.9 million people, reported that they experienced some level of food insecurity over the past 12 months (Table 1). More specifically, 5% of families were marginally food insecure, meaning that families worried about running out of food and/or experienced limited food selection due to a lack of money for food. Another 8% were considered moderately food insecure, where the quality and/or quantity of food was compromised due to a lack of money for food. A further 5% were severely food insecure, missing meals, reducing their food intake and, at the most extreme, going days without food.

The proportion of families experiencing some level of food insecurity has increased since 2021, increasing from 16% to 18% between 2021 and 2022. This proportion is also slightly higher than before the pandemic - in 2019 (17%).^Note   The relatively higher prevalence of food insecurity could be partly attributed to higher levels of inflation, which reduces the purchasing power of consumers, causing families to spend more to buy less.

The year-over-year inflation rate jumped from 1.0% in January 2021 to 4.8% in December 2021. Meanwhile, the annual rate of food inflation increased from 1.0% to 5.2% over the same time period. Prices continued to rise and in June 2022, the overall inflation rate was 8.1% and food inflation in particular was 8.8% - the largest yearly change in 40 years. 

While inflation affects all areas of the country, other factors, such as cost of living and policies aimed at poverty reduction, can influence the prevalence of food security at the provincial level.  In 2022, food insecurity was the lowest in Quebec, with 14% of families in this province reporting some level of food insecurity. Quebec was also the only province to not experience any change in levels of food insecurity from 2019 to 2022.

On the other end of the spectrum, food insecurity was the highest in Newfoundland and Labrador (23%), followed by New Brunswick (22%) and Alberta (22%).  These were also the provinces, along with Prince Edward Island, to experience the greatest increase in food insecurity between 2019 and 2022, ranging from an increase of 3-4 percentage points.

Among larger Census Metropolitan Areas (CMAs), in 2022, food insecurity was the highest in Edmonton (21%) and the lowest in Ottawa-Gatineau (14%). Moreover, families residing in rural areas (15%) reported lower level of food insecurity compared to those living in population centres (19%).

Senior-led households have lower rates of food insecurity

The age of the major income earner played a role in the likelihood of food insecurity, with senior-led households being less likely to report food insecurity. In 2022, 10% of families with the major income earner aged 65 years and older reported food insecurity. This compares to 17% for 55- to 64-year-olds and 23% for 35- to 44 year-olds. Older age groups are likely to have a more stable source of income such as government pensions and are more likely to have accumulated assets over their lifetime. On the other hand, families with middle-aged income earners can have more financial obligations, such as mortgage debt and young children.

Food insecurity higher among families with a female major income earner

Overall, families with a female major income earner were more likely to report food insecurity, compared to those with a male major earner – 21% versus 16%.^Note  This may reflect gender differences in income levels. In 2021, the median annual after-tax income of families with a female major earner was $58,200, compared to $76,600 for those with a male major income earner.^Note 

Family structure is also related to food insecurity. Certain family types are more likely to be food insecure. This is especially true for female lone parent families. More than four in ten (41%) of these families reported being food insecure. While food insecurity was also higher than average among male lone parents, the proportion was much lower at 24%. Other families with higher-than-average food insecurity included non-elderly not in economic families (24%) and non-elderly couples with children (20%). The lowest level of food insecurity were among elderly families (8%).

Closely tied to family structure is marital status, as it can further speak to the possibility of pooled assets and financial resources, which in turn, can impact the ability to be food secure. Those who were separated (28%), divorced (22%), and unattached (23%) were more likely to report food insecurity, compared to both legally married couples (14%) and those in common-law relationships (15%). The adverse economic consequences of separation and divorce are well known.^Note  Widowed (12%)  were less likely to be food insecure, a result largely driven by an age effect.

Food insecurity was three times higher among those who are chronically unemployed

The likelihood of being food insecure is related to both education and labour force status, as these intertwined factors are closely linked to earning potential. Holding a university degree was a protective factor to food insecurity, with 13% of families in which the major income earner had a university degree being food insecure, lower than the proportion (22%) of those with less than a high school diploma. The relationship between higher levels of education and higher earnings is well documented.^Note  Also, higher levels of education are associated with higher financial literacy, which in turn is associated with better financial planning.^Note  Higher earnings and sound financial plans are likely to be mitigating factors against food insecurity.

Looking at the labour force status, stable employment - being employed all year - was associated with a lower likelihood of food insecurity (15%). Meanwhile, those who were chronically unemployed - unemployed all year – had a food insecurity rate three times higher than their employed counterparts (45%).

That said, even among employed persons, there were differences in food insecurity based on the class of worker. Self-employed (13%) were less likely to report food insecurity, compared to paid employees (18%). While much diversity exists within the self-employed population, existing research shows that the self-employed tend to be wealthier and have higher levels of financial literacy compared to paid employees.^Note 

While paid employees and self-employed tend to draw their main source of income from wages/salaries and self-employment income respectively, senior-led families often rely on investment income and pensions. In 2022, families reporting their main source of income as investment income or private retirement pensions were the least likely to be food insecure (5% each).

The families most vulnerable to food insecurity were those relying on government transfers as their major income source. In 2022, 29% of those whose major source of income was government transfers, such as Employment Insurance (EI) benefits, social assistance benefits, workers’ compensation benefits, and the Canadian Pension Plan (CPP) benefits, were food insecure (see Textbox 1).

Owning a home provides some protection against food insecurity

Home ownership, which can be a proxy for wealth, is associated will lower levels of food insecurity. Less than one in ten (9%) of families that owned their homes mortgage-free reported food insecurity. The comparable proportion for homeowners with an outstanding mortgage was 16%.

Renters, on the other hand, were more likely to be food insecure. This was especially true for families living in subsidized housing. Around one in four (26%) of renters in non-subsidized housing and more than four in ten (42%) of those living in subsidized housing reported food insecurity. 

Food insecurity was higher among Indigenous families, racialized communities and immigrant families

On average, food insecurity among Indigenous families tended to be higher. Indigenous families living in the provinces and off reserve were almost twice as likely as the non-Indigenous population to be food insecure (34% versus 18%).^Note Note  The rate was higher for First Nations families living off-reserve (38%) than for Métis (31%). The sample size was not large enough to report an estimate for Inuit. However, food insecurity among the Inuit population has been a subject of an earlier study.^Note  Given that families living in the three territories, on reserves and other Indigenous settlements in the provinces are excluded, these results do not reflect food insecurity among the overall Indigenous population.

Food insecurity was also higher among racialized families. Overall, 23% of families with a racialized major income earner reported food insecurity, compared to 16% of their non-racialized, non-Indigenous counterparts. However, the overall food insecurity rate for the racialized population masks important differences among different racial groups.

Among racialized groups, Black Canadians had the highest rate of food insecurity, with almost four in ten (38%) reporting being food insecure. This was followed by Filipino Canadians (28%), South-East Asian (23%), Arab (22%), and South Asian Canadians (19%). There was no statistically significant difference between Chinese Canadians, Latin American Canadians and the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population.

Immigrant families were more likely to report food insecurity compared to the Canadian-born. One in four (26%) of families in which the major income earner immigrated between 2013 and 2022 (recent immigrants) reported being food insecure. This proportion was 20% for established immigrants (immigrated before 2013) and 17% for Canadian-born.

Section 2 Exploring the relationship between income and food security

Food insecurity can be expected to be more prevalent in families with lower income levels, though the relationship between income and food insecurity is complex. It cannot be assumed that all people living below the poverty line are struggling with food insecurity, while at the same time, it would be incorrect to assume that those above are immune to these same difficulties. To explore this relationship between income and food insecurity, the following section examines food insecurity among families below and above the poverty line, highlighting those that are most vulnerable, as well as those that may be at lower risk.

Based on the market basket measure (MBM), 11% of families lived below the poverty line. According to the MBM a family lives in poverty if it does not have enough income to purchase a specific basket of goods and services in its community.^Note  Overall families below the poverty line were more than twice as likely than those above the line to report food insecurity (35% versus 16%).^Note  Though the rate of food insecurity among families below the poverty line was higher, a higher proportion of families (78%) who were food insecure were above the poverty line.

Among those living below the poverty line, young adults were the least vulnerable to food insecurity

Contrasting the overall age-related pattern in food insecurity, young people living below the poverty line were less likely than middle-aged adults below the poverty line to be food insecure. Around 23% of families with the major income earner aged 16 to 24 reported food insecurity, compared to 46% of those aged 35 to 44 years. The 16- to 24-year-old families, representing around 4% of all families, were mostly unattached individuals (almost 9 in 10). Lower food insecurity among this group could be a result of lower financial obligations. Also, half of them were full-time students and though living on their own, some may be receiving financial support from parents.

Indeed, being a student, either full or part-time, was related to lower levels of food insecurity among those living below the poverty line, with the rates being similar between those below and above the poverty line. For instance, 26% of full-time students below the poverty line were food insecure, compared to 24% above the poverty line.

Full-time students (and young people) above the poverty line were actually more vulnerable to food insecurity than non-students/older adults above the poverty line. This could partly be a result of differing characteristics. For example, as compared to those below the poverty line, full-time students above the poverty line were more likely to be married with children (15% versus 3%^Note ) and more likely to be female lone parents (7% versus 3%), characteristics that are associated with a higher likelihood of food insecurity.

Food insecurity lowest among seniors

Across the board in terms of income levels, seniors were better off than younger adults. Seniors living below the poverty line had a rate of food insecurity of 21%, lower than the average rate for those below the poverty line (35%) but still slightly higher than the overall average (18%). Their rate of food insecurity was also double the rate of seniors living above the poverty line (21% versus 9%).

Reflecting seniors’ overall lower rate of food insecurity relative to younger adults, senior-led families, as well as seniors not in economic families fared better. For instance, among those living below the poverty line, senior-led families and unattached seniors’ rates of food insecurity (26% and 20%) were half that of female lone parent families (48%).

In fact, female lone parents were one of the most vulnerable groups across those living below and above the poverty line, with only 8 percentage points separating female lone parents below (48%) and above the poverty line (40%). This contrasts the situation for non-elderly couples with and without children, where the disparity between those below and above the poverty line was much more substantive.

Above the poverty line, female lone parents were the most likely to be food insecure, almost four times as likely as non-elderly couples without children (40% versus 11%). As a comparison, male lone-parents and non-elderly couples with children were only twice as likely (20%). Senior-led families were the least likely (8%), mirroring patterns for those below the poverty line.

Explaining the consistently higher rate of food insecurity among female lone-parents is critical. Findings suggest the importance of examining the intersectionality of lone-parent family structure and other characteristics. Almost two-thirds (65%) of families in which the lone mother had less than a high school diploma reported food insecurity (Table 2). The proportion was less than half of that among those with a university degree (31%).

Female lone-parents who were not employed all year were more at risk, especially the unemployed (71%). More than one-half (55%) of lone mother families with government transfers as the major source of income were food insecure. Moreover, 50% of those living in rental non-subsidized reported food insecurity compared to 18% of homeowners without mortgage. The rate was even higher among those living in rental subsidized housing (66%).

Six in ten (60%) families with Indigenous lone mothers reported food insecurity compared to 41% of non-Indigenous. The rate of food insecurity was particularly high among Black lone mother families (62%) compared to non-racialized, non-Indigenous (40%). Lone mother families belonging to all other racialized groups had a lower rate (28%).^Note 

Being employed year round reduces the risk of food insecurity among those living below and above the poverty line

Labour force status of those below and above the poverty line seemed to matter notably. Being employed year-round reduced the risk of food insecurity – even for those in working poverty. In 2022, 28% of year-round employed living below the poverty line experienced food insecurity. While higher than the proportion above the poverty line (14%), it was much lower than those living below the poverty line who were unemployed all year (60%) or unemployed part of the year (51%).

Home ownership was associated with a lower likelihood of food insecurity, regardless of whether families were below or above the poverty line. For example, 22% of families below the poverty line who owned their homes mortgage-free reported being food insecure compared to 37% of renters of non-subsidized housing and 62% of families living in subsidized rental housing.

Almost six in ten of families below the poverty line with a Black Canadian as the major income earner were food insecure

Overall, there was no difference between the racialized and the non-racialized, non-Indigenous families below the poverty line in terms of the prevalence of food insecurity. However, this overall trend masks underlying differences. Looking at racialized groups separately, Chinese (24%) and South Asian Canadians (25%) were less likely to be food insecure than the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population (36%). On the other hand, Black Canadians (56%) were notably more likely to report food insecurity.

Even above the poverty line Indigenous and racialized families were more likely to be food insecure

Indigenous families above the poverty line living off reserve (31%) were twice as likely to be food insecure compared to the non-Indigenous families (15%). The rate was somewhat higher among the off-reserve First Nations families (34%) than Métis families (28%).

Racialized families above the poverty line (21%) had a higher likelihood of reporting food insecurity compared to their non-racialized, non-Indigenous counterparts (14%). When looking at the racialized groups separately this was only true for Black (33%), Filipino (28%), Arab (21%), and South Asian (19%) Canadians. Interestingly, as noted earlier, South Asian Canadians below the poverty line were less likely to be food insecure compared to their non-racialized, non-Indigenous counterparts. Additionally, immigrant families above the poverty line were more likely to report food insecurity. 

Patterns in vulnerability also seen across income quintiles

Another way to look at the relationship between income and food insecurity is to compare families across income quintiles. As expected, there is a strong association between income and food insecurity. Families in the bottom quintile of adjusted family income^Note  were more than four times as likely to be food insecure as those in the top quintile - 30% versus 7% (Table 3). The comparable proportions for those in the second, third and fourth quintiles were 23%, 17%, and 12%, respectively.

Certain family characteristics were associated with a higher or lower likelihood of food insecurity and some of these are common across income quintiles. Not surprisingly, the patterns correspond to those identified for below and above the poverty line.

Across the income quintiles, rates of food insecurity were lowest among seniors, self-employed, those employed year-round, homeowners (especially those without a mortgage), and highest among female lone parent families, Indigenous families, and racialized families.

Groups most vulnerable to food insecurity remain even after accounting for the interplay of multiple socio-economic factors

The preceding discussion explored descriptive associations. Because various family characteristics are expected to be correlated with each other, logistic regressions were estimated to calculate predicted probabilities of food insecurity. Not all characteristics could be included in the same model given that some of them were perfectly collinear. For example, the “65 years of age and above” category of age group and the “senior-led families/seniors not in economic families” categories of economic family type were perfectly collinear. Results from a model with sex, level of education, family type, class of worker, racialized population group, major source of income, home ownership, income quintile, CMA and province are presented in Table A1.

Most of the conclusions from the descriptive statistics remained similar though the magnitude of the differences changed. For example, after controlling for various characteristics, families with a female major income earner were still more likely to be food insecure compared to their male counterparts. However, the difference was smaller – a predicted probability of 0.19 for female headed families versus 0.17 for the male ones. Similarly, part of the difference between female lone parent families and other family types was accounted for by family characteristics but they were still more likely to be food insecure. Families with a Black or Filipino Canadian as the major income earner were still more likely to be food insecure compared to the non-racialized, non-Indigenous but the gap was reduced. 

Controlling for various characteristics changed some of the results based on descriptive statistics. For example, now there was no statistically significant difference between non-racialized, non-Indigenous families and South Asian, Southeast Asian and Arab families.

Looking at families below the poverty line, after controlling for various characteristics, female lone parent families were no longer the most likely to be food insecure.

Among those above the poverty line, male lone parent families were not more likely to be food insecure. Also, the differences between the non-racialized, non-Indigenous families and South Asian and Arab families were accounted for by the covariates. 

Section 3 The role of net worth in food insecurity

Existing research suggests that food insecurity results from an “interplay of household resources (including assets) and household expenditures, as well as household debt.”^Note The Canadian Income Survey (CIS) contains information on home ownership, with or without mortgage, which serves as a proxy for debt/assets. This measure was used in the preceding discussion.

However, home ownership alone cannot provide a complete picture of a family’s financial situation. The Survey of Financial Security (SFS) has detailed information on debt, assets and net worth. While the SFS does not include information on food insecurity, these data can be used to provide a profile of the financial situation of groups most likely to be food insecure (based on CIS findings).^Note 

Four indicators of financial well-being are used: (i) proportion of families with consumer debt; (ii) median level of consumer debt among families with consumer debt; (iii) median level of net worth (the overall value of assets held by the family, minus the overall debt held by that family); (iv) proportion of families with zero or negative net worth. High levels of consumer debt are considered to lead to lower financial well-being, since unlike mortgage debt, it is not necessarily backed by an asset. Even more important indicators of a precarious financial situation, however, would be a low level of net worth and/or having zero or negative net worth.

Home equity and net worth inherently intertwined, meaning homeowners have higher net worth

Homeownership, which is associated with a lower rate of food insecurity, is related to a higher level of net worth. Homeowners without a mortgage tend to have greater home equity available, meaning that they can possibly draw on this equity, if required. Overall, these homeowners had an average net worth of $965,000 (Table 5). In comparison, homeowners carrying a mortgage, while perhaps having less home equity, still had a substantive net worth of $497,500. Indeed, this translated into a net worth about 20 times higher than the net worth of renters ($24,700). Also, almost no homeowners had a zero or negative net worth, whereas 14% of renters had a zero or negative net worth.

Nonetheless, it is important to contextualize the power of home equity as a driver of wealth, which in the current market, may be less attainable among younger homeowners and first-time home buyers. Recent increases in housing prices, along with higher interest rates impacting both mortgage payments (whether at renewal of a fixed rate or with variable rate) and home equity lines of credit (HELOC) means that some homeowners have less disposable income than before, and face higher disincentives to accessing home equity through a HELOC.

As seen with the 2021 Census, homeownership is connected to age. Three-quarter of seniors (75%) owned their home, compared to 36% of 25-to-29-year-olds and 52% of those aged 30 to 34 years. Reflecting this pattern in homeownership (and possibly the presence of a mortgage), the median net worth of families with the major income earner aged 65 and above was $543,200, double the amount among 35- to 44-year-olds ($234,400). Older age groups also had lower proportions with a zero or negative net worth.

Substantive disparity in net worth among pensioners and families with government transfers

Private retirement pensioners had among the highest net worth of all groups. With an average net worth of $1,089,800, their net worth was 1.6 times higher than self-employed ($672,400), nearly 3.8 times higher than paid employees ($288,900), and 10 times higher than those receiving government transfers as the major source of income ($109,700). This pattern in declining net worth mirrors the pattern of increasing food insecurity.

Those relying on investment income, such as interest, dividends, and capital gains, had the highest overall net worth of $1,297,700. And, along with private retirement pensioners (0.1%), they were less likely to have zero or negative net worth (2%). In comparison, 8% of those with major source of income as government transfer had a zero or negative net worth. 

Lower net worth is more common among female lone parents and unattached individuals

Families with female as the major income earner are more likely to be food insecure. The median net worth of families with a female major earner was $278,000, 28% lower than the net worth of families with a male major earner ($384,900). Also, 7% of the female major income earners had zero or negative net worth, compared to 5% of their male counterparts. A lower level of net worth and a higher likelihood of having zero or negative net worth represent a more financially vulnerable position, which in turn can be associated with a higher likelihood of food insecurity.

In some cases, the female as a major income earner can also be a female lone parent, a group that is vulnerable to higher rates of food insecurity. The net worth of female lone parents ($64,500), however, was much lower than the overall net worth of families with female as a major income earner ($278,000), and notably lower than non-senior couples with children ($435,700). Also, they were the most likely to have zero or negative net worth, with 16% in this situation.

Looking at the marital status, separated, divorced and single (never married) were the most likely to report food insecurity. The net worth of the divorced ($116,300) and single ($54,200) was relatively lower and their proportions with zero or negative net worth were relatively higher. However, this was not true for the separated. They have a relatively high net worth ($418,200) and a low proportion with zero or negative net worth (1%).

Lower net worth among Indigenous families and recent immigrants

The net worth of Indigenous families living off reserve ($102,000), especially off reserve First Nations families ($56,000) was lower than that of non-Indigenous families ($341,000). For Métis families, the net worth was $168,000. Indigenous families were also more likely to have a zero or negative net worth.

Lastly recent immigrants (year of immigration: 2010 to 2019) had a notably lower net worth and a higher proportion with zero or negative net worth compared to the Canadian-born.

Much variations in net worth exists among those living above the low-income cutoff

Despite being above the poverty line, certain types of families were more likely to report food insecurity. These included families in which the major income earner was female, younger, less educated, recent immigrant, or Indigenous. All these characteristics were also associated with a more financially vulnerable position, due to either a lower net worth and/or a higher likelihood of having a zero or negative net worth.

Among families living above the low-income cutoff,^Note  families living in rental accommodation had a much lower net worth and a much higher likelihood of a zero or negative net worth (Table 6). Their net worth was $41,700 compared to that of homeowners with ($499,400) and without ($1,009,300) a mortgage.

Families with government transfers as the major source of income had a net worth almost one-half of those with wages and salaries as the major source and much lower than those with investment income, private retirement pensions and self-employment income as the major source. The net worth of paid employees was less than half that of self-employed.

Female lone parent families above the poverty line were at least twice as likely as other family types to report food insecurity. Their net worth ($104,200) was the lowest among all family types – it was less than one-fourth of all family types other than the non-elderly not in economic families. They were also the most likely to have a zero or negative net worth.

Indigenous families above the low-income cutoff living off reserve had a net worth of $153,400 compared to $427,500 for non-Indigenous families. The net worth for First Nations families living off reserve was even lower - $89,800. It was $225,700 for Métis families. Indigenous families were also more likely to have a zero or negative net worth.

Compared to Canadian-born and established immigrants, recent immigrants had a lower net worth and one-tenth had a zero or negative net worth.

Conclusion

Food insecurity, defined as a condition of not having access to sufficient food, or food of an adequate quality, to meet one’s basic needs, is a concern as it has been found to be associated with various chronic conditions. In this study, data from the 2021 Canadian Income Survey were used to look at characteristics of families who reported being food insecure. The study also used data from the 2019 Survey of Financial Security to look at the financial well-being of families that are more likely to be food insecure.

In 2022, 18% of families in Canada reported that they experienced some level of food insecurity over the past 12 months. This was up from 16% in 2021 and 17% in 2020. In 2022, among families below the poverty line, 35% reported food insecurity compared to 16% of those above the poverty line, though the majority of families (78%) who were food insecure were above the poverty line. Across income quintiles, 30% of families in the bottom income quintile were food insecure, compared to 7% in the top quintile. 

Overall, families with a female as the major income earner were more likely to be food insecure compared to those with a male major income earner. Families with major income earners who were 55 years of age or older were less likely to be food insecure than the younger age groups. Higher levels of education were associated with lower food insecurity and so was being employed.

Certain family types/characteristics were associated with higher food insecurity overall and regardless of income levels (below or above the poverty line and across income quintiles). These included female lone parent families, those living in rental housing, families in which the major income earner was Indigenous, Black Canadian, and families whose major source of income was government transfers.

Families that were more likely to be food insecure were also more likely to be in a weaker financial position. For example, in 2019, compared to a net worth of $329,900 for all Canadian families, the net worth was notably lower for female lone parent families ($64,500), renters ($24,700), families in which the major income earner was Indigenous ($102,000), those for whom the major source of income was government transfers ($109,700).

A shortcoming of this study is that a direct association between food insecurity and debt, assets and net worth could not be provided given the unavailability of food insecurity information in the Survey of Financial Security. Another limitation of this study is the exclusion of families living in the three territories, on reserves and other Indigenous settlements in the provinces.^Note  This is likely to lead to an underestimate of food insecurity among the Indigenous population.

Sharanjit Uppal is a senior economist with the Centre for Social Data Insights and Innovation at Statistics Canada.