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Women in scientific occupations in Canada Insights on Canadian Society
Women in scientific occupations in Canada

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by Dominique Dionne-Simard, Diane Galarneau and Sébastien LaRochelle-Côté

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Introduction

Despite significant progress in education and labour force participation, women remain underrepresented in occupations in natural and applied sciences, which pay relatively higher wages on average, and are overrepresented in occupations in elementary and secondary education and health care—which, in comparison, pay relatively lower wages. Although the wage gap between men and women has been closing over time,^Note 1 field of study is a factor that might explain part of the remaining wage gap,^Note 2 along with other differences such as hours worked, number of years of experience and presence of children.

The underrepresentation of women in scientific occupations is itself partly due to their low participation in fields of study related to science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM) despite efforts to attract them. According to the 2011 National Household Survey (NHS), women accounted for 33% of STEM university graduates, but almost two-thirds of graduates in non-STEM fields.^Note 3 Accordingly, the proportions of women in scientific occupations remained significantly lower than in other occupations, especially among those that normally require a university degree.

Given the above, this article has three major objectives. The first is to track the proportion of women in natural and applied sciences occupations (“scientific” occupations) and in other occupations (“non-scientific” occupations) over the past two decades, separately for occupations normally requiring a university education and those that require a college education—on the basis of data from the 1991 and 2001 censuses and the 2011 NHS (see Data sources, methods and definitions).

The second objective is to examine the extent to which women contributed to the increase in the number of workers in scientific occupations normally requiring a university education over the period, including the role played by key factors such as age and immigration.

Lastly, the article uses Labour Force Survey data to examine differences in employment conditions between employees in scientific fields and those in other fields, specifically among workers in occupations normally requiring a university degree. The article focuses on persons aged 25 to 64 who were employed at the time of data collection.

The share of women increased in most scientific occupations, except in computer science

Among workers aged 25 to 64, the proportion of women in scientific occupations rose from 18% in 1991 to 23% in 2011 for occupations requiring a university education, and from 14% to 21% for occupations requiring a college-level education. The increase mainly took place between 1991 and 2001 for university-level scientific occupations (Chart 1).

By comparison, in non-scientific occupations, the proportion of women was significantly higher in 1991 and continued to increase over the next two decades, rising from 59% to 65% in university-level occupations and from 41% to 44% in college-level occupations.

Among workers who held a university-level scientific occupation in 2011, the highest proportion of women was found among those who were in mathematics, statistics and actuarial science, with 50%—up from 38% in 1991 (Chart 2). The proportion of women grew in most university-level occupations, particularly in life sciences where the proportion almost doubled (from 23% in 1991 to 43% in 2011).

The proportion of women also increased in architecture, from 17% to 28%. The proportion of women in the two engineering groups (13% and 14% in 2011) remained the lowest of all fields in 2011, even though the proportions doubled in 20 years.

The group of occupations related to computer science was the only category to see a decline over the 20 year period, from 30% in 1991 to 25% in 2011. Most of the decline occurred between 2001 and 2011.

In college-level occupations, the share of women increased in all occupational categories (Chart 3). In 1991, some scientific occupations already stood out for their relatively high proportions of women, including those in physical sciences (notably chemistry), where women accounted for 31% of workers (42% in 2011). Within college-level scientific occupations, physical sciences had the highest proportion of women in 2011, followed by life sciences (38%, up from 22% in 1991). Within life sciences, the proportion of women was particularly higher in biology.

College-level occupations related to architecture (particularly drafting technologists) and technical inspectors and regulatory officers (especially public health inspectors) also recorded a significant increase in the number of female workers. The proportion of women in these groups increased from 20% to 29% and from 12% to 25%, respectively.

In comparison, college-level occupations in both engineering categories had relatively small proportions of women, with little change in the past 20 years. The proportion of women in these occupations was 15% or less in 1991, 2001 and 2011.

Women contributed less to the increase in the number of workers in scientific occupations requiring a university education

This section examines the extent to which women contributed to the overall growth in the number of workers in scientific occupations from 1991 to 2011. During this period, the number of university-level scientific workers more than doubled as it increased by 304,000 people. The increase in the number of college-level scientific workers was smaller at 87,000 (an increase of 34%).

Within university-level occupations, women accounted for 27% of the total growth in the number of scientific workers between 1991 and 2011, which suggests that men accounted for almost three-quarters of the growth (Chart 4). It was the opposite among those with non-scientific occupations, as women accounted for 75% of the growth in the number of workers between 1991 and 2011.

Within occupations requiring a college education, the relative contributions of men and women were more balanced, with women representing 43% of the growth in scientific workers (an increase of 87,000 jobs) and 56% of the growth in non-scientific jobs (an increase of 872,000 jobs in total).

The sections below focus on occupations requiring a university education as the number of workers grew more rapidly in university-level scientific occupations than in college-level scientific occupations from 1991 to 2011. Women also contributed less to the overall increase in university-level scientific occupations over the period. However, readers interested in more information about occupations normally requiring a college education are invited to consult the section titled College-level scientific occupations.

Computer science drove the increase in university level workers between 1991 and 2011

Between 1991 and 2011, computer science contributed the most to the increase in university-level workers, accounting for 60% of the overall growth (Table 1).

The fact that this sector was the source of such a significant portion of the growth in the number of workers is not surprising, given that the 1990s were characterized by a boom in the information technology and telecommunications industries. As a result, many people were drawn toward occupations in computer science.

However, not as many women chose these professions as compared to men. Between 1991 and 2011, men accounted for more than three-quarters of the increase in workers in computer science, while less than one-quarter was attributable to women. The lower female representation in computer science occupations, which contributed the most to the increase in scientific workers over the period, explains why women contributed relatively less to the overall increase in the number of scientific workers between 1991 and 2011.

In spite of the above, computer science remained the most common field for women in scientific occupations, accounting for more than one-half of them in 2011. This proportion was, however, on the decline—in 1991, computer science jobs accounted for almost two-thirds of all scientific occupations among women.

Civil engineering and “other engineering” occupations accounted for 16% and 10%, respectively, of the overall increase in the number of scientific workers. Women’s contribution to this increase was also relatively small, representing slightly more than one-quarter and slightly more than one-fifth, respectively, of the increase in workers in these occupations.

Thus, the contribution of women was relatively smaller in the scientific occupations that experienced the most significant employment growth between 1991 and 2011, computer science in particular, and, to a lesser degree, the engineering sectors.

In contrast, women were more strongly represented in occupations that experienced slower growth. They accounted for more than one-half of the increase in workers in architecture, urban planning and land surveying, physical and life sciences, and mathematics, statistics and actuarial sciences—fields that, when combined, accounted for 13% of the total increase in scientific workers from 1991 to 2011.

Fewer young women are in computer science

As indicated above, computer science occupations accounted for 60% of the increase in university-related science occupations from 1991 to 2011, and men accounted for more than three‑quarters of the increase in computer science occupations.

Results by age group indicate that the bulk of the increase came from men aged 35 to 54, as they accounted for more than one-half of the total 60% growth (Table 2). The contribution of young men aged 25 to 34 was smaller, but positive (8 out of 60 percentage points).

The smaller contribution of young workers is largely due to the aging of the workforce. In both scientific and non-scientific occupations, the older age groups tended to contribute more to the increase in the number of workers from 1991 to 2011.

Contrary to young men, however, the number of young women in computer science declined over the period. Between 1991 and 2011, the number of women aged 25 to 34 employed in computer science occupations fell by about 4,000, with most of the decline occurring from 2001 to 2011.^Note 4 By comparison, the number of young men in the same age group in computer science occupations rose by more than 25,000 over the period.

It was older women, particularly those aged 45 to 54, who accounted for the positive but limited contribution of women to the total increase in computer science workers during this period.

A number of hypotheses have been put forward to explain the decline in the number of young women in computer science. One hypothesis is a change in the factors that motivate women to opt for a career in computer science,^Note 5 while another is a change in culture in the computer science community that may be less favourable to women.^Note 6

By contrast, young women did contribute to employment growth in other areas, such as engineering and other scientific sectors, and their contribution even outpaced that of young men in the same age group. Even in these fields, however, men aged 45 to 64 represented the most significant source of growth between 1991 and 2011.

To get a better idea of the choices that young people make regarding their education, it is useful to examine the administrative data from the Postsecondary Student Information System (PSIS). This source provides information on the number of graduates from Canadian postsecondary institutions by sex and field of study. Although the data by field of study cannot be directly compared with the occupational data, it may help identify future trends in the Canadian scientific workforce.

In 2013, the proportion of female graduates in programs related to physical and life sciences and technologies was 55%, up from 46% in 1992 (Chart 5). In the field of architecture and related services, there was also a significant increase, from 41% in 1992 to 54% in 2013. These results are consistent with the increase in the proportion of women observed in these types of occupations.

The proportion of female graduates in engineering rose from 14% in 1992 to 20% in 2013, but remained low in comparison with other fields. The proportion of female graduates rose slightly in mathematics and statistics (from 39% to 42%). In computer science, the proportion of women fell from 33% in 1992 to a low of 24% in 2007, before recovering to 29% in 2013. In all years, the proportion of women graduating in all other (non-scientific) fields of study was over 60%, reflecting the significant share of non-scientific occupations held by women.

Immigrants contributed to the growth in scientific workers

Immigration is another key factor driving the growth of the scientific workforce. Studies have highlighted the role played by immigrants in the renewal of Canada’s workforce—particularly in natural and applied sciences.^Note 7 Furthermore, the proportion of immigrants is higher among science graduates than it is among other graduates—in 2011, more than one-half (51%) of all STEM degrees were held by immigrants.^Note 8 

From 1991 to 2011, immigrant women and Canadian-born women contributed almost equally to the total increase in scientific workers at the university level (13% and 14%, respectively). Immigrant men and Canadian-born men also contributed in comparable proportions (34% and 39%, respectively) (Table 3).^Note 9

Because it contributed the most scientific workers over the period, examining immigration trends in computer science occupations is also important. From 1991 to 2011, immigrant women accounted for more than one-half (55%)^Note 10 of the growth in female workers in computer science. Among men, immigrants accounted for 47%^Note 11 of the increase in the number of male computer scientists.

Scientific occupations are generally associated with better employment conditions

According to data from the LFS^Note 12, workers who were employed in natural and applied sciences generally had better employment conditions (Table 4).

For example, among those in occupations normally requiring a university education, women who worked in scientific occupations were more likely than their counterparts in other fields to have a permanent position (93% versus 87%), to work full time (97% versus 85%) and to have higher hourly wages ($36.08 versus $34.56 among full-time workers). Women in scientific occupations were, however, less likely to be unionized (26% versus 61%). Similar differences were noted among men.

On average, men in scientific occupations who worked full-time earned 9% more than women. The wage gap was similar among those who held non-scientific occupations. The results, however, varied by age group.

Among younger workers, the wage gap was larger among scientific workers than it was among non-scientific workers. Specifically, among those who worked full time in scientific occupations, young males aged 25 to 34 earned approximately 8% more than their female counterparts. This compared with a 6% wage gap among those who were in non-scientific occupations (Chart 6). The gap was at least 12% in the case of women aged 45 and older, both in scientific and non-scientific occupations.^Note 13

Part of the gender wage gap might be due to the distribution of women across categories of scientific occupations, particularly among younger workers. In an attempt to measure the impact of composition effects on the gender wage gap, a “fictitious” average hourly wage was calculated to reflect what women might earn if they were distributed the same way as men across all occupations (all else being equal).

If women had the same occupational distribution as men, the wage gap would not disappear but would be smaller in all age groups. Among young workers aged 25 to 34, for instance, the wage gap would be 6% (instead of 8%). Similarly, the gap would be 9% instead of 12% among those aged 55 to 64.

The results above are consistent with other reports that examined gender differences in the labour market outcomes of young scientists. According to a recent study,^Note 14 men aged 25 to 34 with a STEM degree had lower unemployment rates, higher wages and lower overqualification rates than their counterparts with a non-STEM degree. The same study found that the employment conditions of young female graduates from STEM programs were not distinctively different from those of young women who graduated from other fields, while young men had a distinct advantage over their counterparts with a non-STEM degree. Additional research is needed to gain a better understanding of the reasons for these differences between men and women in the scientific sectors.

Conclusion

Between 1991 and 2011, the proportion of women in scientific occupations increased, from 14% to 21% in college-level occupations and from 18% to 23% in university-level occupations. Increases were seen in all occupational categories, except in computer science occupations, where the proportion of women declined from 30% to 25% over the period.

Computer science had the most workers in 2011, and was the main driving force behind the growth in science workers from 1991 to 2011. However, women contributed little to the increase in the number of computer science workers over the period. The number of young women with a computer science occupation even declined over the period. Furthermore, more than half (55%) of the increase in the female workforce in computer science was attributable to immigrants.

Scientific occupations are typically associated with better employment conditions. Both male and female scientific workers were more likely to hold a permanent position, work full time and earn higher wages. However, male scientific workers earned more than their female counterparts, including among younger workers aged 25 to 34.

Dominique Dionne-Simard is an analyst in the Administrative Data Division at Statistics Canada. Diane Galarneau is a special advisor to the Centre for Education Statistics. Sébastien LaRochelle-Côté is Editor-in-Chief of Insights on Canadian Society at Statistics Canada.

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