Chapter 10: Women in a visible minority

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A growing population

Visible minority women make up a diverse and growing population in Canada, in large part because of increasing immigration from countries outside Europe.¹ Indeed, in 2001, there were over 2 million females in Canada who reported they belonged to a visible minority group, up from 1.6 million in 1996 and just 800,000 in 1986.

In recent years, the female visible minority population in Canada has grown at a much faster rate than the number of women not in a visible minority. Between 1996 and 2001, for example, the number of visible minority females increased by 25%, whereas the non-visible minority female population rose by only 1%. In fact, the growth in the number of visible minority women in the past five years accounted for over three-quarters of the growth in the overall female population in Canada in this period.

As a result of these trends, visible minority females account for an increasing share of all females living in Canada. In 2001, 14% of all females living in Canada belonged to a visible minority group, compared with 11% just five years earlier and only 6% in 1986. (Chart 10.1)

Chart 10.1 Visible minorities as a percentage of the female population in Canada, 1986 to 2001

As with the overall population, females make up the majority of visible minorities in Canada. In 2001, 51% of all those who identified themselves as being a member of a visible minority group were female, about the same share of the total Canadian population accounted for by women.

From many different backgrounds

Chinese, South Asians and Blacks make up the largest female visible minority groups in Canada. In 2001, 26% of females reporting they were in a visible minority were Chinese, while 22% were South Asian, and 17% were Black. At the same time, 9% of visible minority women were Filipinas, while smaller shares were accounted for by Latin Americans (5%), Southeast Asians (5%), Arabs (4%), West Asians (3%), Koreans (3%) and Japanese women (2%). In addition, another 3% were part of other smaller visible minority groups, while 2% belonged to more than one visible minority group. (Table 10.1)

There has also been substantial growth in most of these female visible minority groupings in recent years. Between 1996 and 2001, for example, the number of Korean females living in Canada rose by 54%, while there was a 37% increase in the number of South Asian females. At the same time, there were increases of 30% among Filipinas, 27% among Arab and West Asian females, 24% among Latin Americans, and 20% among Chinese women. In contrast, there was somewhat smaller growth in the number of Southeast Asian (16%), Black (15%) and Japanese (10%) females in this period. Even these increases, however, were well above that for the non-visible minority female population, which grew by just 1% in this period. (Chart 10.2)

Chart 10.2 Percentage increase in the number of visible minority females, by group, 1996 to 2001

There is also considerable variation in the share of the individual visible minority populations accounted for by females. Filipinas, for example, made up 58% of all Filipinos living in Canada in 2001, while the figure was 55% among the Japanese population and 52% among both Blacks and Koreans. On the other hand, females made up less than half the Arab, West Asian, and South Asian communities in Canada. (Table 10.1)

Table 10.1 Women in a visible minority, by group, 2001

Most are foreign born

The majority of visible minority women living in Canada were born outside the country.² In fact, 69% of visible minority females living in Canada in 2001 were foreign-born, while 28% were born in Canada. The remaining 3% were non-permanent residents, such as those who hold a student or employment authorization or a Minister’s permit, as well as refugee claimants. Non-permanent residents, though, can apply for landed immigrant status and become immigrants to Canada. (Table 10.2)

Table 10.2 Women in a visible minority, by immigrant status, 2001

As well, the largest share of foreign-born female visible minorities are recent arrivals in Canada. Indeed, half of female visible minority immigrants living in Canada in 2001 arrived here between 1991 and 2000, while 25% came in the 1980s and 18% landed here between 1971 and 1980. In contrast, just 5% of foreign-born visible minority females currently living in Canada arrived here in the 1960s and only 1% had immigrated prior to 1961.

Female West Asians are particularly likely to be recent immigrants to Canada. Almost 60% of these women living in Canada in 2001 arrived here between 1991 and 2000. Recent immigrants, though, also made up relatively large shares of the Arab (42%), Korean (42%), Chinese (40%), Filipina (40%), South Asian (37%) and Latin American (34%) female populations. In contrast, Southeast Asian women, 26% of whom had immigrated to Canada in the past decade, along with Black (22%) and Japanese (13%) women were somewhat less likely to have arrived in Canada over the course of the past decade.

A highly concentrated population

Three out of four visible minority females live in either Ontario or British Columbia. In 2001, 54% of the female visible minority population in Canada lived in Ontario, while 21% resided in British Columbia. That year, females in a visible minority made up 22% of the overall female population of British Columbia and 19% of that of Ontario. At the same time, women in a visible minority made up 11% of the female population of Alberta, 8% of that of Manitoba, and 7% of that of Quebec, while the figure was 5% or lower in the remaining provinces and territories. (Table 10.3)

Table 10.3 Women in a visible minority, by province and territory, 2001

As well, within Ontario and British Columbia, visible minority women are centered largely in Toronto and Vancouver. Indeed, in 2001, 62% of all female visible minorities in Canada resided in one of these two metropolitan areas, whereas Toronto and Vancouver accounted for only 17% of the total non-visible minority female population of Canada. That year, 37% of all female residents of both cities were part of a visible minority. (Table 10.4)

Table 10.4 Urban/rural distribution of visible minority women, 2001

Female visible minorities, though, also make up a relatively large share of the overall female population in most major urban centres in Canada. In 2001, for example, women in a visible minority represented 18% of the overall female population of Calgary, along with 17% of that in Ottawa,³ 15% in Edmonton, 13% in Montreal and 12% in Winnipeg. In fact, 95% of all female visible minorities in Canada reside in one of the country’s census metropolitan areas, whereas these urban centers account for only 60% of their non-visible minority counterparts.

There are, however, divergent settlement patterns for the different female visible minority groups within the various major metropolitan areas across Canada. The female visible minority community in Vancouver, for example, is largely Chinese or South Asian, while Blacks, Arabs and West Asians make up almost half of that in Montreal. The female visible minority population in Toronto, on the other hand, includes relatively large numbers of women in most of the various groups.

A relatively young population

The female visible minority population in Canada is somewhat younger, on average, than the overall female population. In 2001, for example, 23% of the female visible minority population was under the age of 15, compared with 18% of non-visible minority females. Similarly, 15% of female visible minorities were aged 15 to 24, while women in this age group made up just 13% of the non-visible minority female population. Women in the prime working age category between the ages of 25 and 44 also make up a disproportionate share of the female visible minority population. That year, 35% of all female visible minorities, versus 30% of their non-visible minority counterparts, were aged 25 to 44. (Table 10.5)

Table 10.5 Age distribution of women living in a private household, by visible minority group, 2001

In contrast, visible minority women are only about half as likely as other women to be seniors. In 2001, 7% of the female visible minority population was aged 65 or over, compared with 14% for their non-visible minority counterparts. Similarly, just 20% of visible minority women were aged 45 to 64, compared with 25% of other women.

As with the overall population, however, women make up the large majority of visible minority seniors in Canada. In 2001, 55% of all visible minority people aged 65 and over were women, while the figure was 56% among the non-visible minority population.

There are also noticeable differences in the age structure of the various female visible minority groups. Arab and Black females, for example, tend to be younger, on average, than their counterparts in other visible minorities. In 2001, close to three out of ten of both Arab and Black females were under the age of 15, compared with fewer than two in ten Japanese, Chinese, Korean, and Filipino females. In contrast, close to 40% of Filipino, Latin American, Southeast Asian and West Asian women were aged 25 to 44, whereas this was the case for only 32% of Black females.

On the other hand, Japanese and Chinese women are more likely to be seniors than women in other visible minority groups. In 2001, 13% of Japanese women and 10% of Chinese women were aged 65 or older, whereas seniors made up 5% or less of the Southeast Asian, Korean, Arab, West Asian, and Latin American female populations.

As with the overall population, though, women make up the majority of seniors in most of the different visible minority groups. Indeed, in 2001, more than 60% of Filipino, Latin American, and Black seniors were women. The exceptions to this pattern were Arab and West Asian seniors, only about half of whom were female.

Family status varies by visible minority group

Visible minority women are somewhat more likely than their non-visible minority counterparts to live with their families. In 2001, 90% of female visible minorities aged 15 and older were living with their husband, common-law spouse, unmarried children, parents or other relatives, compared with 82% of non-visible minority women. (Table 10.6)

Table 10.6 Family status of women aged 15 and over, by visible minority group, 2001

Women in a visible minority are also generally more likely than other women to be living with their spouse. In 2001, just over half (51%) of visible minority women aged 15 and over were living with their spouse, versus 48% of their non-visible minority counterparts. On the other hand, visible minority women are considerably less likely than other women to live in a common-law relationship. That year, just 3% of visible minority women aged 15 and over were living with a common-law partner, compared with 10% of non-visible minority women.

Visible minority women are slightly more likely than other women to be a lone parent. In 2001, 10% of visible minority women aged 15 and over were lone parents, compared with 8% of their non-visible minority counterparts. As with the overall population, though, women make up large majority of lone parents in the visible minority community. That year, 85% of all visible minority lone parents were female, while in the non-visible minority population, women made up 81% of lone parents.

Among visible minority women, Blacks are by far the most likely to be lone parents. In 2001, 24% of Black women aged 15 and over were lone parents, whereas in the other visible minority groups the figure ranged from 15% among Latin Americans to just 5% among Korean women.

There are even sharper differences in the family arrangements of senior visible minority women and their non-visible minority counterparts. In particular, senior visible women are much more likely than other senior women to live with members of their extended family. In 2001, 28% of senior visible minority women, versus 6% of other senior women, were living with members of their extended family. (Chart 10.3)

Chart 10.3 Percentage of visible minority women aged 65 and over living with members of their extended family, 2001

In contrast, senior visible minority women are considerably less likely than other senior women to live alone. In 2001, just 17% of visible minority women aged 65 and older were living alone, compared with 40% of non-visible minority senior women. (Chart 10.4)

Chart 10.4 Percentage of visible minority women aged 65 and over living alone, by group, 2001

Senior South Asian women are particularly likely to live with extended family members. As of 2001, 38% of these women aged 65 and older were living with family members other than their spouse, unmarried children, or parents, as were 35% of senior Filipinas. In contrast, just 8% of senior Japanese women lived with their extended family that year, while the figure was around 25% among senior women in each of the other visible minority groups.

At the same time, senior Black, Korean and Japanese women are the most likely to live alone. In 2001, close to 30% of women aged 65 and over in each group lived by themselves, whereas this was the case for less than 10% of senior South Asian and Southeast Asian women, as well as Filipinas aged 65 and over.

Most speak English or French

The vast majority of females in a visible minority speak one of Canada’s official languages. Indeed, in 2001, 90% of all visible minority females reported that they could carry on a conversation in at least one of English or French.⁴ That year, 76% spoke English only, while 3% spoke French only and 10% were bilingual. At the same time, though, 10% of visible minority females could not conduct a conversation in either official language. (Table 10.7)

Table 10.7 Knowledge of official languages of women aged 15 and over, by visible minority group, 2001

Among the visible minority population in Canada, women are more likely than men not to be able to speak either English or French. In 2001, 10% of female visible minorities reported they could not speak either official language, compared with just 6% of their male counterparts.

Among the various visible minority groups, Chinese women are the most likely to report that they can not speak an official language. In 2001, 20% of Chinese females indicated that they could not carry on a conversation in either English or French, while the figure was 15% among Southeast Asian women and 14% among Koreans. In contrast, just 1% of each of Filipinas and Black females were unable to speak one of Canada’s official languages.

While the large majority of visible minority females can carry on a conversation in one of Canada’s official languages, a substantial number still speak a language other than English or French in their homes. In 2001, 45% of all female visible minorities spoke a non-official language in their home. (Chart 10.5)

Chart 10.5 Percentage of visible minority women speaking a non-official language at home, by group, 2001

West Asian, Chinese and Korean women are the most likely to speak a non-official language at home. In 2001, 69% of West Asian females, along with 67% of Chinese and 66% of Korean women, spoke a language other than English or French in their home, while the figure was 62% among Southeast Asian females. At the same time, roughly half of Latin American (54%), South Asian (49%) and Arab (48%) women spoke a nonofficial language in their home, whereas this was the case for only 31% of Filipinas, 23% of Japanese women and just 9% of Black females.

A well-educated population

The female visible minority population in Canada is relatively well educated. As of 2001, 21% of visible minority women aged 15 or older had a university degree, compared with 14% of other women. Visible minority women, though, were somewhat less likely to have a university degree than their male counterparts, 26% of whom had at least a bachelor’s degree that year. (Table 10.8)

Table 10.8 Highest level of education for women aged 15 and over, by visible minority group, 2001

Visible minority women also make up a somewhat disproportionate share of Canadian women with advanced degrees. In 2001, visible minority women made up 18% of all women with a Master’s degree and 17% of those with an earned Doctorate, whereas they represented only 13% of the total female population aged 15 and over.

Among visible minority women, Filipinas and Koreans are the most likely to have a university degree. In 2001, 34% of Korean women aged 15 and older and 33% of Filipinas in this age range had a university degree, while the figure was around one in four for each of Japanese (26%), West Asian (25%), Chinese (24%) and Arab (24%) women. In contrast, just 14% of Latin American women, along with 11% of both Black and Southeast Asian females, were university graduates. However, while relatively few Black and Latin American women have a university degree, a substantial share of females in both these groups have some form of non-university postsecondary qualifications such as a college diploma.

Visible minority women with postsecondary qualifications are also generally more likely than their non-visible minority counterparts to have training in highly technical fields. In 2001, women in a visible minority made up almost a third of all women with postsecondary qualifications in both engineering and the applied sciences (33%) and mathematics, computer science and the physical sciences (32%). In contrast, female visible minorities made up 15% or less of all women with postsecondary qualifications in all other fields. (Chart 10.6)

Chart 10.6 Women in a visible minority as a percentage of all women with postsecondary training, by field of study, 2001

Visible minority women, though, are considerably less likely than their male counterparts to have postsecondary qualifications in highly technical fields. In 2001, those with training in either engineering and applied sciences, mathematics, computer and physical sciences made up 10% of all female visible minorities with postsecondary qualifications, compared with 27% of men. In contrast, women in a visible minority were three times more likely than their male counterparts to have postsecondary qualifications in educational, recreational and counselling services, while they were considerably more likely to have training in the health professions and related technologies, as well as in the humanities and fine and applied arts.

Many attending school

The gap between the educational attainment levels of women in a visible minority and other women is likely to persist in the future as young visible minority females are more likely than their non-visible minority counterparts to be attending school. In 2001, 74% of visible minority females aged 15 to 24 were attending school on either a full- or parttime basis, compared with 63% of other females in this age range. (Chart 10.7)

Chart 10.7 Percentage of visible minority females aged 15 to 24 attending school, by group, 2001

Young visible minority women are also about as likely as male visible minorities to be enrolled in an educational program. In 2001, close to three out of four of both visible minority women aged 15 to 24 (74%) and their male counterparts (73%) were going to school on either a full- or part-time basis. This contrasts with the situation for other young people aged 15 to 24, among whom females (63%) were somewhat more likely than males (59%) to be going to school that year.

Young Chinese, Korean and West Asian women are particularly likely to be in school. Of women aged 15 to 24 in 2001, 83% of Chinese, 82% of Koreans, and 77% of West Asians were enrolled in some educational program on either a full- or part-time basis, while the figure for the remaining groups ranged from 72% for Arabs to 66% of Filipinas.

Less likely to be employed

While visible minority women are better educated, on average, than other Canadian women, they are somewhat less likely to be employed. In 2001, 63% of all visible minority women aged 25 to 64 were either paid employees or were self-employed, compared with 70% of non-visible minority women in this age range. (Table 10.9)

Table 10.9 Employment rates for women aged 25 to 64, by visible minority group, 2001

Most of the difference in the employment rates of visible minority and other women is accounted for by those aged 25 to 44. In 2001, 66% of visible minority women in this age range were part of the paid workforce, compared with 77% of their non-visible minority counterparts. In contrast, visible minority women aged 45 to 64 were only slightly less likely to be employed that year than non-visible minority women in this age range: 59% versus 61%.

As with non-visible minority women, women in a visible minority are considerably less likely than their male counterparts to be employed. In 2001, 63% of visible minority women between the ages of 25 and 64 were employed, compared with 79% of visible minority men in this age range.

Among the various visible minority groups, Filipinas are the most likely to be employed. In 2001, 79% of Filipinas between the ages of 25 and 64 were employed as were 70% of Black women. In contrast, less than half of both West Asian (49%) and Arab (44%) women in this age range were part of the paid workforce.

Higher unemployment rates

Visible minority women are generally more likely to be unemployed than other women. In 2001, 8.9% of female visible minority labour force participants were unable to find work, compared with 5.6% of non-visible minority women. (Table 10.10)

Table 10.10 Unemployment rates for women, by visible minority group, 2001

Visible minority women are also more likely to be unemployed than their male counterparts. In 2001, 8.9% of female visible minority labour force participants were considered to be unemployed, whereas the figure was 7.4% among visible minority men. This situation contrasts with that of the non-visible minority population in which women were slightly less likely than men to be unemployed that year: 5.6% versus 6.2%.

As with the overall population, unemployment rates for visible minority females are particularly high among younger women. Indeed, in 2001, 15.4% of female visible minority labour force participants aged 15 to 24 were unemployed, compared with 9.8% of those aged 25 to 44 and 7.3% of those aged 45 to 64. In all three age groups, however, visible minority women were considerably more likely to be unemployed than their nonvisible minority counterparts. Visible minority women over the age of 25 were also more likely to be unemployed than male visible minorities, whereas visible minority females aged 15 to 24 were less likely to be unemployed than their male counterparts.

There is also considerable variation in unemployment rates among women in the different visible minority groups. Of female labour force participants aged 25 to 64 in 2001, for example, 16% of both West Asians and Arabs were unemployed, while the figure in the remaining groups ranged from 11% among Latin Americans to around 5% for Japanese women and Filipinas.

Majority employed in administrative, clerical, sales, and service jobs

For the most part, the occupational distribution of visible minority women is similar to that for all Canadian women. Indeed, in 2001, just over half of all employed females, whether in a visible minority or not, worked in either sales or service jobs or in business, clerical and related administrative occupations. That year, 51% of all employed visible minority women, and 52% of their non-visible minority counterparts, were employed in these types of jobs. In contrast, this was the case for only 31% of visible minority men and 24% of other men. (Table 10.11)

Table 10.11 Occupational distribution of visible minority women employed in 2000 or 2001

Visible minority women are also about as likely as other women to occupy management positions. In 2001, 7% of employed visible minority women and 8% of those not in a visible minority held management positions. Both visible and non-visible minority women, though, were considerably less likely than their male counterparts to be employed in management.

At the same time, visible minority women make up a disproportionate share of women employed in occupations in the natural and applied sciences. In 2001, female visible minorities represented 19% of all women employed in these sectors, whereas they made up 13% of all women who were part of the paid workforce that year. On the other hand, employed visible minority women were somewhat less likely than other women, 23% versus 28%, to be employed in other professional occupations.

Visible minority women are also about three times more likely than other women to be employed in manufacturing and related jobs. Of those who worked for pay or profit in 2001, 12% of visible minority women were employed in manufacturing jobs, compared with just 4% of other women. Southeast Asian women, roughly one in four of whom was employed in this sector in 2001, were particularly likely to be employed in manufacturing jobs.

Many work part time

Like their non-visible minority counterparts, the majority of employed visible minority women work a non-standard schedule. In 2001, for example, 55% of all visible minority women who were part of the paid workforce worked on either a part-time or part-year basis, as did 52% of all other women. In contrast, the majority of employed visible minority men worked full-time that year, while only 46% were employed on a part-time or partyear basis. (Chart 10.8)

Chart 10.8 Percentage of employed visible minority women working part-time or part-year, 2001

Among the various visible minority groups, Arab and West Asian women are the most likely to work non-standard hours. In 2001, 65% of employed West Asian women and 64% of Arab women worked either part-time or for only part of the year, while the figure was around 60% among Korean, Japanese, and Latin American women. In contrast, 49% of employed Filipinas worked on a part-time basis that year, the only group of visible minority women in which the majority did not work a non-standard schedule.

Few self-employed

A relatively small proportion of visible minority women are self-employed. In 2001, 8% of employed visible minority women were self-employed, compared with 9% of other Canadian women and 13% of visible minority men. (Chart 10.9)

Chart 10.9 Percentage of employed women who were self-employed in 2000 or 2001, by visible minority group

While self-employed workers make up a relatively small sector of the overall female visible minority labour force, Korean women have one of the highest rates of selfemployment in the country. Indeed, in 2001, 33% of employed Korean women were self-employed, whereas the figure for women in other visible minority groups ranged from 11% among Japanese, West Asian and Chinese women to just 4% among Blacks and Filipinas.

Lower employment earnings

Visible minority women generally earn less at their jobs than do other women. Among those employed on a full-time, full-year basis in 2000, for example, visible minority women earned an average of $32,100. This was just over $3,000, or about 10%, less than the employment earnings of their non-visible counterparts. (Chart 10.10)

Chart 10.10 Average earnings of women in a visible minority employed full-time, full-year, by group, 2000

As with other women, the employment earnings of visible minority women are also considerably below those of their male counterparts. In fact, in 2000, the average earnings of visible minority women who were employed on a full-year, full-time basis were only 76% those of visible minority men who worked full-time that year. This figure, though, was actually higher than that for non-visible minority workforce participants, among whom the earnings of women employed on a full-time basis were only 70% of those of men.

Japanese women generally have the highest average employment earnings among visible minority women. In 2000, Japanese women employed on a full-year, full-time basis earned an average of $42,500. This was over $7,000 more than Chinese women who had the next highest earnings among the various visible minority groups. It was also over $10,000 more than the average full-time, full-year earnings of non-visible minority women. At the same time, the average earnings among women in other visible minority groups ranged from around $32,600 for Arab women to just $26,800 among Latin Americans.

For all visible minority groups, though, the average earnings of women are substantially below those of their male counterparts. Japanese women, for example, who had the highest average earnings of all visible minority women that were employed fulltime in 2000, actually earned only about 66% what Japanese men did that year, the lowest figure among the various groups. In contrast, the earnings of both Black women and Filipinas were over 80% the earnings of their male counterparts, while the figure was 78% among Koreans and 77% for both Chinese and West Asians.

Relatively low average incomes

In large part because their employment earnings are relatively low, visible minority women also have comparatively low total incomes. In 2000, visible minority women had an average income from all sources, including employment earnings, investment income, and transfer payments, of $20,000, over $3,000 less than the figure for other women in Canada. The incomes of women in a visible minority were also almost $9,000 less, on average, than those of visible minority men that year. (Table 10.12)

Table 10.12 Average total income of women aged 15 and over, by visible minority group, 2000

Senior visible minority women have particularly low incomes compared with their non-visible minority counterparts. In 2000, women in a visible minority aged 65 and over had an average income from all sources of just $16,000, almost $4,000, or 24%, less than the figure for other senior women. At all ages, though, the average incomes of visible minority women were less than those of their non-visible minority counterparts.

The incomes of senior visible minority women are also substantially below those of senior visible minority men. In 2000, the incomes of women aged 65 and over in visible minority were over $7,000 less, on average, than those of senior visible minority men that year. Again, though, the average incomes of visible minority women were considerably lower than those of their male visible minority counterparts in all age ranges.

Largely because of their relatively high earnings from employment, Japanese women have an average income considerably above that for women in other visible minority groups. In 2000, Japanese women had an average income from all sources of almost $25,000, while in the other visible minority groups the figure ranged from $22,500 among Filipinas to under $16,000 for both West Asian and Arab women.

Most income earned

As with other women, the largest share of the overall incomes of visible minority women is earned. Indeed, 77% of the total income of visible minority women in 2000 came from earned sources. This was, in fact, higher than the figure for non-visible minority women who received 71% of their income from earned sources. It was lower, though, than the figure for visible minority men, 86% of whose income that year came from earnings. (Table 10.13)

Table 10.13 Major sources of income of women aged 15 and over, by visible minority group, 2000

At the same time, women in a visible minority generally obtain about the same share of their total income from government transfer payments as that of other women. In 2000, 15% of the income of all visible minority women came from government transfer payments, such as family allowances, public pension benefits, and employment insurance, while the figure was 16% for non-visible minority women.

Government transfers account for a particularly large share of the incomes of Arab women. In 2000, 23% of the income of these women came from public sources, while the figure was close to 20% for West Asian, Latin American, Southeast Asian, and Black women. In contrast, just 11% of the total income of Filipinas, as well as 12% of that of Japanese women and 13% of that of Chinese women, came from government transfer payments that year.

Again, as with other women, senior visible minority women are particularly dependent on government transfer payments. In 2000, 67% of the total income of visible minority women aged 65 and over came in the form of government transfer payments. This compared with 57% of the income of non-visible minority women and less than half of that of visible minority men who received 48% of their income from these sources.

Many with low incomes

Visible minority women are nearly twice as likely as other women in Canada to have low incomes. In 2000, 29% of visible minority women living in a private household had incomes below Statistics Canada’s Low Income Cut-offs.⁵ This was close to double the figure for non-visible minority women, 16% of whom had low incomes that year. Visible minority women, though, were about as likely to live in a low-income situation as visible minority men, among whom the figure was 28% that year. (Table 10.14)

Table 10.14 Incidence of low income among women living in a private household, by visible minority group, 2000

There is, however, considerable variation in the incidence of low income among women in the various visible minority groups. Almost half of all West Asian women (46%), for example, were considered to be living in a low-income situation in 2000, while the figure was 44% among Arab women and 43% among Koreans. In contrast, just 20% of Japanese women and 18% of Filipinas were living with low incomes that year.

Among the visible minority population, children are particularly likely to live in a low-income situation. In 2000, 34% of visible minority females under the age of 15 lived in a household with an income under the low-income cut-offs; this was more than twice the figure (16%) for their non-visible minority counterparts. The share of female visible minority children considered to be living in a low-income situation, though, was the same as that for male visible minorities under the age of 15.

At the same time, one in four senior visible minority women was considered to have a low income. In 2000, 25% of visible minority women aged 65 and over had incomes below the low-income cut-offs, versus 21% of non-visible minority women in this age range and 20% of visible minority men over the age of 65.

Many experience discrimination

Women in a visible minority report experiencing discrimination or unfair treatment because of their ethnicity, culture, race, skin colour, language, accent or religion over five times more often than women in the overall population. In 2002, 21% of visible minority women aged 15 or over said they had experienced discrimination or unfair treatment often or sometimes in the previous five years because of one of these factors, compared with 4% of other women. Visible minority women, though, were also about as likely as their male counterparts to report having experienced some form of discrimination in this period; that year, 20% of visible minority men reported experiencing some kind of discrimination. (Chart 10.11)

Chart 10.11 Percentage of women and men aged 15 and over experiencing discrimination, by visible minority status, 2002

The workplace is the most common locale where visible minority women experience discrimination or unfair treatment. In 2002, 13% of visible minority women who reported they had experienced some form of discrimination often or sometimes in the previous five years said that the incident took place in a work setting, either while they were on the job or when applying for a job or promotion. Another 9% reported problems when getting service from a bank, store or restaurant, while 6% said they experienced such problems on the street, 3% had problems at school or class, and 2% experienced such treatment dealing with the police or courts. (Chart 10.12)

Chart 10.12 Percentage of women and men in a visible minority experiencing discrimination, by location, 2002

Visible minority women were actually slightly more likely than their male counterparts to report experiencing discrimination in the workplace as a result of their ethno-cultural characteristics. They were also slightly more like to report having experienced discrimination when getting service from a store, bank or restaurant, but less likely to experience discrimination from the justice system.

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Notes

1. For more information on immigrant women, see Chapter 9.
2. Immigrants include people who are not Canadian citizens by birth, but who have been granted landed-immigrant status, that is, the right to live in Canada permanently. Some immigrants have lived in Canada for a number of years, while others are recent arrivals. Most immigrants were born outside Canada, but a small number were born in Canada.
3. Includes the Ontario portion only.
4. The census question on knowledge of official languages asks respondents whether they are able to conduct a conversation in either or both English and French. The information collected is thus based on respondents’ self-assessments and may overstate (or understate) the actual abilities of these individuals in either or both languages.
5. For a definition of the Low Income Cut-offs see Chapter 6. In this situation, low income refers to the situation of the individual’s economic family or, if they live alone, to their personal income.