Spousal violence in Canada’s provinces and territories

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by Angela Bressan

Spousal violence generally encompasses violent behaviour that causes physical, psychological or sexual harm between persons in an intimate relationship.¹ It is unique in that, unlike violence committed by an acquaintance or a stranger, the parties may share children and economic ties in addition to emotional attachment. Spousal violence represents a reality for many couples around the globe, irrespective of social, economic, religious or cultural practice; however, it is often experienced differently by women and men, younger and older couples, and current and former partners. While previous studies have examined the nature and extent of police-reported partner violence in Canada, we know less about how it might vary across the provinces and territories. For the first time, the Canadian Centre for Justice Statistics examines variations in police-reported spousal violence across the provinces and territories. As well, the data used to examine spousal violence are more nationally representative this year than ever before. National coverage of the Incident-based Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR2) survey reached 90% in 2006.

This section examines police-reported spousal violence in Canada, the provinces and territories in 2006, as well as trends since 1998. The following research questions are examined:

• Are there differences in the prevalence of police reported spousal violence across the provinces and territories?
• Are there provincial/territorial variations in the distribution of spousal violence between females and males, younger and older victims, and current and former spouses?
• Do victims of spousal violence experience different types of violence (e.g., major assault, stalking) and levels of injury depending on their province or territory of residence?
• Are there provincial/territorial variations in the percentage of spousal violence that is charged by police?
• Have the overall trends of police-reported spousal violence changed over time?

By presenting the most recent police-reported data on spousal violence, and the circumstances surrounding these incidents, this report will help inform policy decisions and the development of effective programs for the prevention and intervention of spousal abuse.

The data presented in this section are collected through the Incident-based Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR2) survey. This survey is administered by the Canadian Centre for Justice Statistics to 149 police services across Canada, representing approximately 90% of Canada’s population in 2006.² The UCR2 survey collects detailed police-reported information about incidents of spousal violence as well as its victims and offenders. Trends in police-reported spousal violence are examined over a 9-year period (1998 to 2006) using the UCR2 Trend Database.³

Not all incidents of spousal violence are reported to the police. Disclosing spousal violence is difficult for many victims. The 2004 General Social Survey (GSS)⁴ on victimization found that less than one-third (28%) of spousal violence victims reported the incident to the police, and that, before doing so, almost two-thirds (61%) had experienced more than one violent incident (Mihorean, 2005). As well, the survey found that male victims of spousal violence were less likely than female victims to contact the police (17% versus 36%) (Mihorean, 2005).

Caution must be used in making comparisons across provinces and territories, particularly due to jurisdictional variations in police charging and prosecution practices, resource and service availability and victim-oriented policies. For example, while some jurisdictions include pre-charge screening by prosecutors in their police charging policies, others do not.

Prevalence of police-reported spousal violence

In 2006, over 320,000 incidents of violent crime were reported to police in Canada (161,442 female victims and 158,656 male victims). The largest percent of violent incidents were committed by friends or acquaintances (35%), while 1 in 5 (22%) were committed by a family member (Table 1.1).

More than half (55%) of all victims of family violence were victimized at the hands of a spouse. Female victims of family violence were nearly twice as likely as their male counterparts to be victimized by a current or ex-spouse (63% compared with 34%). Male victims of family violence were more likely to have been victimized by a parent, child, sibling or someone in their extended family.

Spousal violence highest in Nunavut and Quebec

In 2006, over 38,000 incidents of spousal violence were reported to police across Canada, indicating that spousal violence makes up approximately 15% of all violent incidents. As a proportion⁵ of all violent incidents, spousal violence was highest in Nunavut (20%), Quebec (20%), Alberta (18%), Prince Edward Island (16%) and the Northwest Territories (16%). The lowest proportions of spousal violence were recorded in British Columbia (8%) and the remaining Atlantic provinces (8% to 10%) (Table 1.2, Chart 1.1).

Notes: Data are not nationally representative. Counts are based on data from 149 police services representing approximately 90% of the population of Canada in 2006. To ensure that data are comparable across the provinces and territories, proportions have been adjusted for incidents where the relationship between the victim and the accused was unknown. Hamilton Police Service is excluded from the analysis due to data quality of the relationship variable. Excludes incidents were the sex and/or age of the victim was unknown. Includes victims aged 15 to 98.
Source: Statistics Canada, Canadian Centre for Justice Statistics, Incident-based Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR2) Survey.

In general, the police-reported provincial/territorial variations in spousal violence are consistent with results from the General Social Survey (GSS) on victimization, as well as the distribution of overall police-reported crime rates. According to the 2004 GSS, levels of spousal violence were higher in the territories than in the provinces (de Léséleuc and Brzozowski, 2006), and were higher in the western provinces compared to other provinces⁶ (Mihorean, 2005). Furthermore, like the provincial/territorial patterns in spousal violence, the overall rates of police-reported crime in 2006 were higher in the territories and in the western provinces and lower in the eastern provinces (Silver, 2007). Quebec, however, differs from these general trends. In 2006, Quebec registered the lowest overall crime rate among the provinces and, at the same time, the highest proportion of spousal violence.

Researchers point to a number of demographic, social and economic factors which may elevate the risk of victimization and offending, as well as influence the prevalence of police-reported spousal violence across the provinces and territories. Factors that could account for provincial and territorial variations include higher levels of unemployment (Raphael and Winter-Ebmer, 2001), social isolation (Baumgartner, 1993), alcohol consumption (Vanderburg, Weckes and Millson, 1995), and populations composed of high concentrations of Aboriginal peoples (Brzozowski, Taylor-Butts and Johnson, 2006), younger couples (Lochner, 2004) and common-law unions (Mihorean, 2005).

These risk factors are all found to be more prevalent in the North (de Léséleuc and Brzozowski, 2006; Milan, Vézina and Wells, 2007). Quebec, however, is not characterized by a similar profile, aside from a higher than average representation of common-law couples (35% of all couples compared to 13% in the rest of Canada) (Milan et al., 2007). The higher than average proportion of spousal violence in certain provinces and territories may be explained by other factors such as greater societal awareness and intolerance concerning spousal abuse which may correspond to increased police reporting (Pottie Bunge, Johnson and Baldé, 2005; Silver, 2007).

The 2004 GSS found that victims of spousal violence in the territories reported to the police at a higher rate than victims in the provinces (37% compared to 28%), perhaps due to a combination of increased police presence and limited accessibility to victim services and shelters (Johnson, 2006). In 2006, the rate of police officers per 100,000 population was approximately 400 in the three territories and 200 or less in each of the provinces (Reitano, 2006).

Spousal violence more likely to occur between current spouses

Overall, victims of spousal abuse were most likely to be victimized by their current spouse or common-law partner (69%), although nearly one third (31%) were victimized by an ex-spouse⁷ (Table 1.1). As has been noted in previous research, spousal violence often continues, or may even begin, after marital separation (Hotton, 2001; Johnson, 1996).

In almost every province and territory, victims of spousal violence were much more likely to be victimized by a current spouse than a former spouse. However, in Quebec the percentage of spousal violence incidents involving current spouses (51%) was much lower than in the rest of Canada (where it ranged from 72% in Newfoundland and Labrador, New Brunswick and Prince Edward Island to 97% in Nunavut). Victims of spousal violence in Quebec were almost equally likely to be abused by a former spouse (49%) as a current spouse. This may reflect Quebec’s high divorce rate (Statistics Canada. The Daily, March 9, 2005) as well as the popularity of common-law relationships in Quebec (Milan et al., 2007) and the higher probability of breakups among common-law unions compared to marriages (Beaupré and Cloutier, 2007).

Females most likely victims of spousal violence

Females continue to be the more likely victims of police reported spousal violence, accounting for 83% of all victims compared to 17% for males. In every province and territory, about 8 in 10 victims of spousal violence were female. The percentage of female victims of violent crime who experienced violence at the hands of a spouse (20%) was 5 times the percentage of their male counterparts (4%). Male victims of violent crime were more likely than their female counterparts to be victimized by an acquaintance or stranger (Table 1.1).

Across Canada, almost two-thirds (63%) of spousal violence victims were between the ages of 25 and 44 years (Table 1.3). For females, the proportion of police-reported spousal violence was highest for females aged 25-to-34 years (28%), followed closely by those aged 35-to-44 years (26%), while the proportion of spousal violence for male victims were highest for those aged 35-to-44 years (6%) (Table 1.3). The proportions of spousal violence were relatively low for both females and males in the older age groups.

Table 1.4 Number of spousal violence incidents as a proportion of total violent incidents, reported to a subset of police services, by age group, 2006

Spousal assault highest in the West and North, stalking highest in Quebec

In 2006, the most frequently reported type of violent offence committed by a spouse, common-law partner or ex-spouse was assault level 1 or common assault (61%) (Table 1.5). Common assault includes behaviours such as pushing, slapping and punching, but does not involve a weapon or any serious injury. The next most frequently reported offence was major assault (14%) which involves a weapon or causes bodily harm (assault levels 2 and 3), followed by uttering threats (11%) and criminal harassment or stalking (8%). Together, these four offences accounted for close to 95% of all violent offences committed against current or former spouses in 2006.

Of all violent offences committed against current or ex-spouses, assaults (levels 1, 2 and 3) were generally higher in the western provinces and in the territories (Table 1.6). Common assault made up a notably large percentage of spousal violence incidents in the North, ranging from 77% in the Yukon to 83% in the Northwest Territories, while the percentage of incidents of major assault was particularly high in Manitoba (22%), the Yukon (21%) and Saskatchewan (19%). Criminal harassment (12%) and uttering threats (16%), on the other hand, were notably higher in Quebec than elsewhere.

These patterns in the distribution of spousal violence offences across Canada are inline with overall trends in violent crime which show that major assaults are more prevalent in the western provinces and in the North (Dauvergne and De Socio, 2008), while offences such as stalking and uttering threats make up a larger percentage of crime in Quebec.

Major assault twice as common among male victims of spousal violence

One major difference between female and male victims of police-reported spousal violence was that male victims were nearly twice as likely to report incidents of major assault (23%) compared to female victims (13%) (Table 1.5). This was true across most provinces and territories. However, it is important to note that these percentages represent nearly 3 times as many female victims as male victims (4,047 compared to 1,508). One possible explanation for this difference is that while male perpetrators are more likely to use physical force in cases of spousal violence, females tend to rely on weapons (Brzozowski, 2004).

Differences were also evident between the types of offences committed against current spouses compared with former spouses. Current spouses were nearly twice as likely as ex-spouses to report common and major assault, while ex-spouses were much more likely to report stalking and uttering threats (Chart 1.2). This pattern was consistent across most of the provinces and territories. No differences were found in the types of offences committed against spouses between younger and older age groups.

0 true zero or a value rounded to zero
1. Other violent offences include robbery, unlawfully causing bodily harm, discharge firearm with intent, assault against peace-public officer, criminal negligence causing bodily harm, other assaults, kidnapping, hostage-taking, explosives causing death/bodily harm, arson, and other violent violations.
Notes: Percentages may not total 100% due to rounding. Data are not nationally representative. Counts are based on data from 149 police services representing approximately 90% of the population of Canada in 2006. Hamilton Police Service is excluded from the analysis due to data quality of the relationship variable. Excludes incidents were the sex and/or age of the victim was unknown. Includes victims aged 15 to 98. Current spouse includes legally married and common-law partners. Ex-spouse includes separated and divorced partners.
Source: Statistics Canada, Canadian Centre for Justice Statistics, Incident-based Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR2) Survey.

Stalking most commonly committed by males and ex-spouses

Criminal harassment or stalking includes being followed, receiving threatening voice messages, receiving unwanted gifts or being repeatedly contacted. It typically occurs repeatedly, and gives the victim reasonable grounds to worry about his or her personal safety or that of someone close to them (Justice Canada, 2003). Several risk factors are shown to be associated with being the victim of stalking including being female, young and Aboriginal (AuCoin, 2005).

In 2006, nearly 16,000 incidents of criminal harassment were reported to police, with 76% involving female victims and 24% male victims (Table 1.7). According to the 2004 GSS, the majority (63%) of stalking victims chose not to report incidents of stalking to police (AuCoin, 2005).

Most victims who reported the incident to police knew their stalker, with 7-in-10 victims reporting some relationship with their harasser, most likely as a spouse, friend or acquaintance. Overall, nearly 20% of victims of criminal harassment were stalked by their current or former spouse. Females accounted for about 9-in-10 victims of spousal-perpetrated criminal harassment in almost every province.

The percentage of female victims who were stalked by their spouse (22%) was more than twice that of male victims (9%). A larger percentage of male victims were stalked by a casual acquaintance (32%). Most female and male victims of spousal-perpetrated criminal harassment were victimized by an ex-spouse rather than a current spouse (89% and 97%, respectively). This was true in every province and territory, particularly in Quebec where 96% of victims were stalked by their former spouse. The fact that stalking (as well as uttering threats) occurred more frequently among ex-spouses is not surprising given that the behaviours associated with such offences, including repeated phone calls, being followed and leaving threatening voice messages, are more likely to transpire between estranged spouses rather than those who live together. According to the 2004 GSS, a higher proportion of victims who were stalked by an ex-partner reported the stalking to police compared to victims stalked by an acquaintance or a stranger (AuCoin, 2005).

Female victims of spousal violence more likely to see charges laid by police

Three-quarters (77%) of all reported incidents of spousal violence resulted in a charge being laid by police (Table 1.8). Incidents involving female victims (79%) were more likely to result in a charge being laid than those involving male victims (67%). A greater percentage of male victims compared to female victims called police to stop the abuse, but did not wish to take further criminal action against their abusive spouse. For 25% of male victims, incidents of spousal violence were “cleared otherwise”⁸ compared to 15% of incidents involving female victims. The most common reason for an incident being cleared otherwise was that the complainant declined to lay charges (11% of male victims and 7% of female victims).

Police charging for spousal violence highest in Manitoba and Ontario

The percentage of spousal violence incidents that were cleared by charge was highest in Manitoba, Ontario, Nunavut and the Yukon where about 9-in-10 reported incidents resulted in a charge being laid by police (Table 1.9). Conversely, the percentage of spousal violence incidents that resulted in a charge being laid by police was lowest in Newfoundland and Labrador (56%) and New Brunswick (57%).

Differences in charging practices across the country may be attributed to variations in the application of pro-charging and pro-prosecution policies as well as police resources. Manitoba, Ontario and the Yukon, for example, have implemented specialized domestic violence courts⁹ which have been linked to increases in arrest rates and court case volume, and more effective intervention compared to general courts (Ursel, 2008). Moreover, provincial/territorial variations in the percentage of spousal violence incidents resulting in police charging may also be attributed to the distribution of offence types across the provinces and territories. For example, Manitoba, the Yukon and Nunavut were characterized by a relatively high percentage of incidents of major assault; an offence more likely to result in charges.

Current spouses more likely to be injured as a result of spousal violence

Overall, half of the victims of spousal violence sustained injuries (49%). There were variations between current and ex-spouses with respect to the level of injury sustained. Current spouses were more than twice as likely as ex-spouses to have sustained minor injuries resulting from the violence (57% compared to 27%). This difference may be related to the fact that current spouses were about twice as likely as ex-spouses to report incidents of assault; offences which are more likely to result in injury. A very small percentage of current and ex-spouses suffered major injuries as a result of spousal violence (2% and 1%, respectively). Similar percentages of female and male victims sustained injuries.

The percentage of victims who were injured due to spousal violence also varied a great deal across the provinces and territories, with about double the percentage of victims in Nunavut (74%) sustaining minor injuries as in Newfoundland and Labrador (36%), Quebec (37%) and Nova Scotia (38%). Victims living in the territories and the western provinces were more likely to suffer minor injuries than those in the rest of Canada. Victims living in the western provinces were also more likely to suffer major injuries due to spousal violence than were victims in other provinces, although the proportions were low (e.g., 3% in Manitoba and Alberta).

Provincial/territorial differences in the percentage of spousal violence victims sustaining injuries may be related to variations in the types of offences committed against spouses across the provinces and territories. For example, the percentage of spousal assaults (offences more likely to cause injury) was generally higher in the western provinces and in the territories than elsewhere, while stalking and uttering threats (offences less likely to result in injury) were higher in Quebec.

Weapons not commonly used during incidents of spousal violence

Similar to violent crimes in general, incidents of spousal violence typically do not involve the use of a weapon. When injuries were sustained as a result of spousal violence, they were most often the result of physical force (45%) rather than a weapon (7%) (Table 1.10). When a weapon was used against a current or former spouse, weapons other than firearms were typically involved.

Male victims of spousal violence were 3 times more likely to be injured by a weapon compared to female victims (15% versus 5%), while female victims were more likely to report that physical force was used against them (46% versus 38%). This may be related to differences in physical strength between the sexes, and a greater tendency for females to rely on weapons to inflict harm against their spouse, rather than on their own physical strength (Brzozowski, 2004).

Weapon use against a spouse more common in Manitoba and Saskatchewan

Overall, physical force was the most common method used to inflict harm against a spouse across every province and territory. The percentage of spousal violence incidents that involved physical force varied widely across the provinces and territories, from a low of 32% in Quebec, to a high of 77% in Nunavut (Table 1.11).

Although weapons were not commonly used during incidents of spousal violence, the percentage of incidents involving weapons varied widely across the provinces and territories from a low of 3% in Quebec to 13% in Manitoba, followed by 10% in Saskatchewan (Table 1.11). Percentages of police-reported weapon use were generally higher in the western provinces and territories than in the rest of Canada. These findings are consistent with 2006 police-reported rates of firearm-related violent crime which were found to be highest in Saskatchewan and Manitoba (Dauvergne and De Socio, 2008).

Trends in police-reported spousal violence, 1998 to 2006¹⁰

Steady decline in police-reported spousal violence

Police-reported spousal violence has steadily declined over the 9-year period from 1998 to 2006 (Chart 1.3). The proportion¹¹ of spousal violence reported to police dropped from 22% of all violent incidents to 19%. This decline was primarily the result of the drop in police-reported spousal violence committed against females which decreased from 19% to 16%. In comparison, the proportion of spousal violence against males that was reported to police has remained steady at 3% during the same time period.

Notes: Excludes incidents where the sex and/or age of the victim was unknown. Includes victims aged 15 to 89. Weighted proportions are calculated on the basis of total violent incidents reported to police. Proportions have been adjusted for incidents where the relationship between the victim and the accused was unknown. Data are not nationally representative. Based on data from 63 police services across Canada, representing 53% of the national volume of crime in 2006.
Source: Statistics Canada, Canadian Centre for Justice Statistics, Incident-based Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR2) Trend Database.

The downward trend in spousal violence is consistent with an overall decrease in police-reported violent crime in Canada (Dauvergne, 2008). Similarly, according to the 2004 GSS self-reported victimization data, over the 5-year period from 1999 and 2004 there was a slight decline in spousal assaults experienced by women.¹² The 2004 GSS reported that 7% of women who were living in a marital or common-law relationship experienced physical or sexual assault by a spouse at least once during the previous 5 years, down from 8% in 1999 (Mihorean, 2005).

Although it is difficult to determine the reasons why spousal violence has declined, explanations may include increased societal awareness and lower tolerance of spousal abuse, as well as greater access to social services to protect victims (e.g., shelters) and improved responses by the criminal justice system. Over the past couple of decades, pro-charging and pro-prosecution policies have been introduced in all Canadian jurisdictions mandating that charges be laid where there are reasonable and probable grounds to believe that an offence had been committed (Ad Hoc Federal-Provincial-Territorial Working Group, 2003). Other measures to improve the justice system’s response to spousal violence include multi-agency coordinating committees, specialized domestic violence courts, civic domestic violence legislation, as well as increased services and supports for victims and treatment for offenders.

Police charging for spousal violence consistent over time

Over the 9 years between 1998 and 2006, the percentage of reported incidents of spousal violence that resulted in a charge being laid by police has remained relatively stable (Table 1.12). The percentage of charges laid remained unchanged from 1998 to 2000 at 73%, peaking to 80% in 2002, and has since returned to 74% in 2006.

Summarizing spousal violence in Canada in 2006

In examining spousal violence across Canada’s provinces and territories, this section revealed a higher proportion of police-reported spousal abuse in Nunavut and Quebec, as well as among females, victims aged 25 to 44 and current spouses.

Spousal violence in 2006 was most frequently characterized as common assault and involving physical force. Overall, all forms of assault, weapon use and injuries resulting from spousal violence were more prevalent in the western provinces and in the territories. Stalking and uttering threats, on the other hand, were particularly prevalent in Quebec, and were much more likely to be perpetrated by males and former spouses.

The examination of trends in spousal violence over time shows that while the proportion of overall police-reported spousal violence has experienced a steady decline, the percent of police charging in Canada has remained fairly consistent. The majority of reported spousal violence resulted in police laying charges, particularly for female victims and for those living in Manitoba and Ontario.

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Endnotes

1. Spouse includes legally married, common-law, separated and divorced partners.
2. Coverage of the Incident-based Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR2) survey for each jurisdiction in 2006 was 100% for all of the provinces and territories except Quebec (99.4%), Ontario (98.9%), Alberta (98.7%), Manitoba (96.8%), New Brunswick (90.7%), and British Columbia (33.7%).
3. The UCR2 Trend Database is a non-representative sample based on 63 police services across Canada, representing 53% of the population of Canada in 2006.
4. The General Social Survey conducts a cycle on victimization every 5 years which collects self-reported information about experiences of spousal violence which may or may not have been reported to police.
5. To ensure that data are comparable across the provinces and territories, proportions have been weighted. Weighting was necessary in order to compensate for those jurisdictions reporting a high proportion of incidents where the relationship between a victim and their perpetrator was unknown. For further information, refer to the section on ‘Data sources’.
6. According to the 2004 GSS, differences in rates of spousal violence were not statistically significant for women or for men across any of the provinces.
7. Ex-spouse includes separated and divorced partners.
8. Reasons for an incident being cleared otherwise include: the complainant declined to lay charges, departmental discretion, suicide of accused, death of accused, death of witness/complainant, committal of accused to mental hospital, accused in foreign country, accused involved in other incidents, reason beyond departmental control and diversionary program.
9. In addition, specialized domestic violence courts have been established in Saskatchewan, Alberta and most recently in New Brunswick.
10. The UCR2 Trend Database is used to examine trends in spousal violence. This database is a non-representative sample of 63 police services that have reported to the survey consistently since 1998, representing 53% of the population of Canada in 2006.
11. To ensure that data are comparable, proportions have been weighted. Weighting was necessary in order to compensate for those jurisdictions reporting a high proportion of incidents where the relationship between a victim and their perpetrator was unknown. For further information, refer to the ‘Data sources’ section.
12. The decline (from 8% to 7%) was statistically significant for women. There was no change in the rate of spousal assaults against men.