Police-reported crime statistics in Canada, 2018

Since 1962, Statistics Canada has collected information on all criminal incidents reported by Canadian police services through its annual Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) Survey.^Note  In addition to the UCR, Statistics Canada also collects information on victims of crime through the General Social Survey (GSS) on Canadians’ Safety (Victimization), which is conducted every five years. Unlike the UCR, the GSS on Victimization collects data on self-reported experiences with crime which include incidents that may or may not have been brought to the attention of the police. These complementary surveys are the primary sources of data on crime and victimization in Canada.

This Juristat article presents findings from the 2018 UCR^Note  to provide information on police-reported crime across geographies and over time. Crime counts presented in the article are based on the most serious violation in a criminal incident (see “Key terminology and definitions”). This article first provides an overview of important context surrounding Canadian crime and criminal events in 2018. This is followed by an analysis of the key statistical trends reported by police in 2018, focusing on increases in police-reported sexual assault, legislative and reporting changes regarding cannabis and other drug offences, stability in the rate of violent offences specific to firearms, and increases in the rates of shoplifting and fraud. The article then explores more general trends in the volume and severity of police-reported crime at the national, provincial/territorial and census metropolitan area (CMA) levels, as well as more detailed information on changes in violent and non-violent criminal offences. Finally, the article looks at trends for youth accused of crime.^Note 

Context for police-reported crime statistics in 2018

Police-reported crime statistics reflect only those incidents that are reported to the police and these are affected by large-scale criminal events, social movements and changes in legislation, policies and procedures (see Text box 1). There were several significant events that occurred in Canada in 2018 that provide context to national statistics for that year.

The year 2018 was marked by several criminal incidents that resulted in numerous lives lost and persons injured. Specifically, the city of Toronto was impacted by the discovery of eight victims of serial homicide committed during a seven-year period from 2010 to 2017 (Power 2019). There was also an attack in the North York City Centre business district of Toronto, where pedestrians were deliberately struck by a van, which resulted in 10 homicide victims and 13 victims of attempted homicide. As well, a shooting on Danforth Avenue in the city’s Greektown left 2 homicide victims and 13 victims of attempted homicide (Barron 2017; CBC News 2018). Near Armley, Saskatchewan, dangerous operation of a motor vehicle resulted in 16 people killed and 13 injured when a semi-trailer truck struck a bus transporting the Humboldt Broncos, a Saskatchewan junior ice hockey team (The Globe and Mail 2018). Together, these serious incidents impacted the crime statistics at the local, provincial and national levels.

Changes in reporting standards for the Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) Survey in 2018 also need to be considered when examining trends for that year. In 2017, Statistics Canada, in collaboration with police services, amended the definition of “founded” criminal incidents in the UCR. The new definition, which represents a commitment to a victim-centred approach for crime, includes incidents where there is no credible evidence to confirm that an incident did not take place and those based on third-party reports. The changes also provided new scoring options for police to explain why an incident was not cleared (meaning solved) (Canadian Centre for Justice Statistics 2018). The new standards came into effect January 1, 2018. When they were developed, it was acknowledged—and communicated to the policing community and the public—that the changes would have an impact on both clearance rates and on the number of criminal incidents reported to Statistics Canada. This article examines the potential impact the change in reporting standards may have had on increases in crimes and, more specifically, sexual assault (see Text box 2).

In addition to changes in police reporting practices, there were two significant legislative changes in 2018, including the legalization of cannabis under Bill C-45, the Cannabis Act, which came into force in October 2018, and Bill C-46, “An Act to amend the Criminal Code (offences relating to conveyances) and to make consequential amendments to other Acts,” which came into force in two parts in June 2018 and December 2018. While Bill C-46 amended provisions of the Criminal Code that dealt with offences and procedures relating to impaired driving, Bill C-45 provides a legal framework for the legalization and regulation of the production, distribution, sale, possession, importation and exportation of cannabis in Canada (Parliament of Canada 2018). Both these legislative amendments resulted in the introduction of new types of violations to the UCR (see Text box 3).

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Key statistical trends for police-reported crime in Canada

In 2018, there were significant changes for certain offences that highlight how police-reported crime is evolving in Canada. Specifically, an increase in the rate of police-reported sexual assault; legislative and reporting changes regarding cannabis and other drug offences; no increase in the rate of violent offences specific to firearms; and increased rates of shoplifting of $5,000 or under, and fraud.

Rate of police-reported sexual assault notably higher for second year in a row, and fourth consecutive annual increase overall

In 2018, there were more than 28,700 police-reported sexual assaults, or 78 incidents per 100,000 population (Table 1).^Note  This marked the second consecutive notable increase in the rate of sexual assault, with an increase of 15% in 2018, following a 13% increase in 2017, and the fourth consecutive increase dating back to 2015 (Chart 1). These incidents represented 7% of violent crimes in 2018. Considerable public discussion of issues around sexual violence took place in 2017 and 2018, and this may have had an impact on the willingness of victims to report sexual assault incidents to police.

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It is important to note that the number of sexual assaults reported by police is likely an underestimation of the true extent of sexual assault in Canada, as these types of offences often go unreported to police. For instance, self-reported data from the General Social Survey on Canadians’ Safety (Victimization) show that, in 2014, only 5%^E of sexual assault incidents experienced by Canadians aged  15 and older in the previous 12 months were brought to the attention of police (Conroy and Cotter 2017; see also Rotenberg 2017a; Rotenberg 2017b).

Another recent Juristat article analyzed police-reported sexual assault in Canada in 2016 and 2017, before and after the #MeToo movement took off (Rotenberg and Cotter 2018). In 2017, police-reported sexual assault in Canada peaked in October, coinciding with the widespread #MeToo social media movement. The number of police reports made in October and November 2017 were higher than any other calendar month since comparable data became available in 2009. Analysis of police-reported sexual assaults from 2017 and 2018 suggests the original increase continued through 2018. The average number of monthly reports made from January 2017 to September 2017 was 2,129 reports, compared to 2,443 reports per month afterward.

As in previous years, nearly all (98%) police-reported sexual assault was classified as level 1 sexual assault, meaning without a weapon or evidence of bodily harm (see “Key terminology and definitions” for an explanation of the levels of sexual assault). The level 1 sexual assault rate increased 15% in 2018, while the rate of sexual assault with a weapon or causing bodily harm (level 2) increased 7% with a total of 459 incidents reported in 2018, or a rate of 1 per 100,000 population. There were 2 fewer incidents of aggravated sexual assault (level 3) reported to the police in 2018 than in 2017, translating into a rate that was less than 1 per 100,000 population (Table 1).

Between 2017 and 2018, the rate of police-reported sexual assault (level 1, 2 and 3) increased in all provinces and territories, with the exception of the Northwest Territories (-12%) (Table 5). Increases above the national average increase were reported in Prince Edward Island (+55%), Nova Scotia (+42%), Yukon (+20%) and Ontario (+18%). In all of these jurisdictions, the increase in sexual assault was either a large contributor to an increase in the Violent Crime Severity Index (VCSI), or a significant mitigator for decreases in the VCSI.

Proportion of police-reported sexual assault deemed unfounded declines

On January 1, 2018, Statistics Canada, in collaboration with police, changed the definition of “founded” criminal incidents. This new definition now includes incidents where there is no credible evidence to confirm that the reported incident did not take place and third-party reports that fit these criteria (see Text box 2). With the new definition, there is the potential that police will classify more incidents as founded. Analysis of level 1 sexual assault estimates that without the change in reporting standards, the increase in the rate of police-reported sexual assault in 2018 may have been between 11% and 12%, compared to the 15% increase reported in 2018 (see Text box 2 and Survey description). For comparison, estimates for common assault without the change in reporting standards did not identify a noticeable change from the 2% increase in common assault reported in 2018.

In 2018, 11% of level 1 sexual assaults reported to police were classified as unfounded, meaning it has been determined through police investigation that the incident reported did not occur, nor was it attempted. This represents a decrease from 14% in 2017 (Table 2). In all, 3,633 incidents of level 1 sexual assault reported to police in 2018 were deemed unfounded. More severe sexual assaults, where there was a weapon used or bodily harm, (level 2 and 3) were less likely to be deemed unfounded (4% and 9%, respectively) than were level 1 sexual assaults (11%). For comparison, 10% of common physical assaults (level 1) were classified as unfounded in 2018, marking a decrease from 11% in 2017.

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Rates of police-reported cannabis offences decline for seventh year in a row

In Canada, drug offences such as possession, trafficking, production, importation and exportation primarily fall under the Controlled Drugs and Substances Act (CDSA). In 2017, possession, trafficking, production, importation and exportation of cannabis for non-medical purposes fell under the CDSA and were therefore prohibited by law in Canada until the Cannabis Act came into force on October 17, 2018. The Cannabis Act provides a legal framework for the legalization and regulation of the production, distribution, sale, possession, importation and exportation of cannabis in Canada (Parliament of Canada 2018). Several new violations were added to the UCR as of October 17, 2018 to capture the new violations under the Cannabis Act (see Text box 3).

Since 2012, national police-reported rates of cannabis-related drug offences have been declining (Chart 2). Overall in 2018, there were over 83,400 CDSA and Cannabis Act offences reported by police, representing a rate of 225 per 100,000 population, and cannabis-related drug offences accounted for 43% of all drug-related offences (Table 3).

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With respect to CDSA cannabis offences, possession (-33%), trafficking (-44%), and production (-35%) all declined in 2018 compared to 2017, while importation or exportation (+22%) increased. While it could be argued that the decrease is due to the implementation of the Cannabis Act part way through 2018, using prorated data representing 9.5 months in 2017 indicates a 14% decrease in the rate of total cannabis offences under the CDSA. Similarly, using prorated data, rates of possession (-16%), trafficking (-30%) and production (-18%) all declined in 2018, while rates of importation or exportation (+55%) increased. Overall, total cannabis offences had been declining for six consecutive years prior to the decline in 2018.

Starting October 17, 2018 with the enactment of the Cannabis Act, police reported 1,454 incidents under the new legislation, which accounted for 4% of all cannabis-related drug offences despite the Act being in effect for approximately 20% of the 2018 calendar year. In the early months of enforcement, the most common types of offences under the Cannabis Act were related to possession (31% of all Cannabis Act offences), importation or exportation (21%), and sale (16%) (Table 3). Four specific offences accounted for 62% of all Cannabis Act offences: “importation and exportation of cannabis” (21% of Cannabis Act offences), “possession of illicit or over 30 grams of dried cannabis (or equivalent) by an adult” (18%), “possession of over 5 grams of dried cannabis (or equivalent) by youth” (12%), and “possession of cannabis for the purpose of selling” (10%). In comparison, under the CDSA legislation, possession accounted for 78% of all cannabis offences in 2017 and 76% of CDSA cannabis offences in 2018. Due to legalization under the Cannabis Act, possession is only illegal under certain circumstances.

Nationally, the combined rate of total cannabis possession, trafficking, production, distribution, sale, and importation or exportation offences (under the CDSA and the Cannabis Act) fell 29%, with all provinces and territories reporting declines between 26% and 39%. Overall rates of police-reported cannabis offences varied considerably among the provinces and territories, with the highest rates reported in the Northwest Territories (278 per 100,000 population), Nunavut (247), British Columbia (155) and Yukon (133).

The lowest police-reported rates for total, combined cannabis offences were recorded in Manitoba (51 per 100,000 population), Alberta (64), Ontario (70) and Prince Edward Island (70) (Table 4). According to the latest National Cannabis Survey—based on data for the first quarter of 2019, the two provinces with the highest percentage of individuals aged  15 and older who reported using cannabis in the last three months were Alberta (22%) and Ontario (20%) (Statistics Canada 2019).

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Police-reported drug offences related to methamphetamine and ecstasy continue to increase

Overall, there were 13,603 methamphetamine-related offences, marking a rate increase of 13% nationally (Table 4). This also continues a trend of increases in methamphetamine offences dating back to 2008. Possession of methamphetamine had the second highest incident rate (28 incidents per 100,000 population) among all drugs, after possession of cannabis. While the rate of methamphetamine possession rose 10% in 2018, the rate of trafficking, production, and importation or exportation jumped 23%.^Note  Methamphetamine-related offences accounted for 16% of all police-reported drug-related crime. A number of police services have indicated that crystal meth is a growing issue in their communities and has contributed to increases in all types of crime, including property and violent crimes (Graveland 2018; Huncar 2018; Wakefield 2019).

Among the provinces, 9 reported increases in the rate of methamphetamine-related offences. The largest increases were reported in Prince Edward Island (+107%), Nova Scotia (+77%) and New Brunswick (+75%) (Table 4). Among CMAs, there were 961 more methamphetamine-related offences in 2018 than in 2017. The CMAs driving this increase were Lethbridge (+91% rate per 100,000 population), Hamilton (+52%), Montréal (+49%) and Calgary (+48%).

The national rate of ecstasy-related offences more than doubled (+116%) from 2017 to 2018, driven almost entirely by an increase in the province of Quebec (+222%).^Note  The increase in the rate of ecstasy-related offences continues a general upward trend since 2014.

After five consecutive years of declines, the rate of cocaine-related drug offences increased 1% in 2018 to a rate of 39 incidents per 100,000 population (Table 4; Chart 2). This was a result of a 7% increase in the rate of trafficking, production, and importation or exportation of cocaine and a 5% decline in possession of cocaine.

Police-reported opioid-related drug offences highest in British Columbia

According to the Public Health Agency of Canada, 11,500 people in Canada lost their lives between January 2016 and December 2018 to opioid overdoses, which continue to be a crisis in many Canadian communities. Of the apparent opioid-related deaths in 2018, 70% involved fentanyl or fentanyl analogues, up from 67% in 2017 and 50% in 2016 (PHAC 2019).^Note  To address the need for information on opioids, CCJS began collecting opioid-related offences (excluding heroin but including fentanyl) separately from “other drugs” in November 2017.

In 2018, there were 2,490 opioid-related offences in Canada, a rate of 7 incidents per 100,000 population (Table 3). Among the provinces, the highest rates were reported in British Columbia (21 per 100,000 population), Alberta (11) and Ontario (5) (Table 4).The CMAs with the highest rates of opioid-related offences were Kelowna (101), Lethbridge (84), Abbotsford-Mission (19), Vancouver (19) and Brantford (19).

The rate of heroin-related drug offences remained stable in 2018 after having recorded eight consecutive years of increases. Despite the overall stability, large increases in the rate of heroin-related offences were reported in Manitoba (+213%) and Quebec (+105%). British Columbia accounted for 49% of all heroin-related offences in 2018; however, a 14% decrease in that province mitigated essentially all increases in other jurisdictions.

Trends in police-reported drug offences in Canada may be related to varying policies, practices and resources available across different police services and over time. Comparisons between police services or between geographical areas should therefore be made with caution.

Increase in police-reported shoplifting of $5,000 or under

In 2018, police reported just under 125,000 incidents of shoplifting, a rate of 337 incidents per 100,000 population, marking an increase of 14% over 2017 (Chart 3). Additionally, the rate of shoplifting has increased 42% compared to 2008, while theft of $5,000 or under (non-shoplifting) decreased 23% over that same time period. It was also the third highest contributor to the increase in the national CSI behind fraud and sexual assault (level 1).

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Part of this increase could have been due to changes in the definition of “founded” when classifying reported incidents. Analysis of shoplifting incidents estimates that without the change in reporting standards, the increase in the rate of police-reported shoplifting in 2018 may have been 12%, compared to the 14% increase reported in 2018 (see “Text box 2 and Survey description”).

Relatively large increases in the rate of shoplifting in Manitoba (+61%), Alberta (+22%) and Ontario (+18%) were the primary drivers for the national increase. Certain CMAs drove the national increase, including Winnipeg (+77%), Edmonton (+31%), Calgary (+26%) and Toronto (+20%).

In the CMA of Toronto, the Toronto Police Service implemented an initiative called “ShopTheft” in January 2018. The initiative focuses on commercial establishments in the downtown core. Additionally, store owners are being urged to report incidents of shoplifting online and over the phone, which could have also contributed to the increase. A surge of shoplifting in liquor stores in Edmonton, Toronto and Winnipeg has also been reported in the news media, with shoplifting—as well as other property and violent crime—linked to the illicit use of methamphetamines (Graveland 2018; Hoye 2019; Mitchell 2019; Potter and Winsa 2019; Selley 2019; Turner 2019).

No increase in rate of police-reported violent firearm offences in 2018

The Criminal Code specifies a number of violent offences involving the use of a firearm, including discharging a firearm with intent, pointing a firearm and using a firearm in the commission of an indictable offence.^Note  More serious crimes, however, such as homicide, robbery, assault and sexual assault, may have also involved a firearm. To measure all violent firearm-related crime, information on the incident characteristics must be used. In 2018, there were 7,477 violent crimes where a firearm was present during the commission of the offence, or a rate of 27 per 100,000 population.^Note  This marks a decrease of 5%, the first after four years of consecutive increases.

Among violent offences involving the use of a firearm that are specified in the Criminal Code, 43% in 2018 were the offence of pointing a firearm. Another 40% were discharging a firearm with intent and the remaining 17% were using a firearm in the commission of an indictable offence. Although the number of violent offences specific to firearms increased by a count of 43 in 2018 (from 2,766 in 2017 to 2,809), the rate remained stable due to an increase in population size (Table 1). This stability followed three consecutive years of increases. While police reported a 10% decrease in the rate of using a firearm in the commission of an indictable offence (-43 incidents), and a 4% decrease in the rate of discharging a firearm with intent (-26 incidents), the rate of pointing of a firearm increased 9% (+112 incidents). The small change in the rate of these firearm-related offences in 2018 was largely the result of increases in the number of incidents in Quebec (+63 incidents of firearms offences), Ontario (+26) and New Brunswick (+24), and decreases in British Columbia (-60) and Saskatchewan (-36).

Police-reported fraud continues to increase, growing for the seventh year in a row

The rate of police-reported fraud (including identity theft and identity fraud) continued to increase for the seventh year in a row, with a 12% increase between 2017 and 2018, and marked a 46% increase over the rate reported a decade previously (Chart 4; Table 1).^Note  There were over 129,400 incidents of fraud reported by police in 2018, resulting in a rate of 349 per 100,000 population.^Note  Incidents of identity fraud and identity theft increased from 17,639 in 2017 to 19,584 in 2018, for a combined rate of 53 per 100,000 population in 2018. While fraud is not an especially severe crime in the CSI, it is a high volume crime which contributed to making fraud the primary driver for the increase in the overall CSI and the increase in the Non-violent CSI (NVCSI) in Canada.

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According to some police services, part of the increase in fraud was attributable to increased access for reporting fraud online. Additionally, certain types of scams have drawn the attention of the Canadian Anti-fraud Centre and the news media, particularly general online or telephone scams, such as the “Canada Revenue Agency scam” and pre-paid gift card scams (Breen 2018; CAFC 2019; Common and Vellani 2018; Crawford 2019; Whan 2018).

Part of the year-over-year increase could be due to changes in the definition of founded when classifying reported incidents. Analysis of fraud incidents estimates that without the change in reporting standards, the increase in the rate of police-reported fraud in 2018 may have been between 10% and 11%, compared to the 12% increase reported in 2018 (see “Text box 2 and Survey description”).

The combined rate of police-reported fraud (including identity theft and identity fraud) increased in all provinces and territories except for Yukon (-3%) in 2018. Notable increases in the rate of total fraud were reported in Nunavut (+36%), the Northwest Territories (+32%), Newfoundland and Labrador (+24%), New Brunswick (+24%), Manitoba (+18%), and Nova Scotia (+16%) (Table 5). Since 2012, the rate of fraud has increased most years in all provinces and territories except Prince Edward Island and the Northwest Territories.

Increases in the rate of total fraud were reported by 28 of 35 CMAs. The largest rate increases were reported in Moncton (+56%), Windsor (+45%), Peterborough (+35%), Trois-Rivières (+33%), St. John’s (+33%) and Victoria (+31%). The largest decreases were reported in Guelph (-13%), Belleville (-2%), Regina (-2%) and Gatineau (-1%).

Police-reported crime in Canada

Canada’s Crime Severity Index increases for fourth year in a row

The Crime Severity Index (CSI) measures both the volume and severity of police-reported crime in Canada and has a base index value of 100 for 2006 (Text box 4). The CSI increased 2% from 73.6 in 2017 to 75.0 in 2018, marking the fourth consecutive annual increase (Table 6). Between 1998 and 2014, the CSI steadily declined, with the exception of a 3% increase reported in 2003. In 2015, the CSI increased 5%, followed by smaller annual increases from 2016 to 2018 (Chart 5). Despite these recent increases, the 2018 CSI was 17% lower than a decade prior.

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The 2% rise in the CSI in 2018 was driven by increases in police-reported rates for numerous offences, most notably fraud and sexual assault (level 1), as well as shoplifting of $5,000 or under and theft over $5,000.^Note  For the third year in a row, increases were offset by decreases in the rates of police-reported breaking and entering, as well as decreases in robbery in 2018. A decrease in the rate of “other federal statute violations” also played a role in offsetting the increase in the CSI and was largely attributable to the Canadian National Police in Quebec reporting fewer violations under the Railway Act, and to the Royal Canadian Mounted Police no longer applying the Indian Act in relation to alcohol consumption on dry reserves.

At 5,488 incidents per 100,000 population, the police-reported crime rate—which measures the volume of crime per 100,000 population—increased 2% in 2018 (Table 7). Like the CSI, Canada’s crime rate was on a downward trend until a 3% increase in 2015, with smaller increases since then (Chart 6). Despite these increases, the national crime rate in 2018 was 17% lower than in 2008.

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Canadian police services reported over 2 million Criminal Code incidents (excluding traffic) in 2018, about 69,800 more incidents than in 2017. In addition to these incidents, there were about 125,500 Criminal Code traffic offences, about 83,500 CDSA and Cannabis Act offences, and almost 26,100 other federal statute violations (such as offences under the Youth Criminal Justice Act and the Customs Act) recorded by police in 2018. In total, there were just under 2.3 million police-reported Criminal Code and other federal statute violations in 2018.

Although the CSI and the crime rate are separate measures, with the CSI accounting not only for volume but also changes in the relative severity of police-reported crime (Text box 4), both measures show similar trends in police-reported crime in Canada since 1998.

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Seven of thirteen provinces and territories report increases in Crime Severity Index

Between 2017 and 2018, 7 of Canada’s 13 provinces and territories reported increases in their CSI. In order of magnitude, the provinces which reported increases were: Prince Edward Island (+17%), Ontario (+6%), Manitoba (+6%), New Brunswick (+4%) and Newfoundland and Labrador (+4%). Nunavut had a 6% increase, and the Northwest Territories reported a 5% increase in their CSI (Table 8).

The large increase in Prince Edward Island was driven by a 21% increase in the rate of breaking and entering and a 52% increase in the rate of sexual assault (level 1), as well as a 17% increase in theft of $5,000 or under (non-shoplifting). Despite these increases, Prince Edward Island continued to report the lowest CSI among the provinces and territories. Additionally, the CSI in Prince Edward Island had decreased the previous five years before the increase in 2018. For the fourth year in a row, Ontario and Manitoba had increases in their respective CSIs. In Ontario, the increase was due to increases in numerous offences, most notably fraud, breaking and entering, homicide and sexual assault (level 1). In Manitoba, robbery, fraud, shoplifting of $5,000 or under, and breaking and entering were all fairly important contributors to the increase in the CSI.

Breaking and entering, fraud and sexual assault (level 1) were common contributing factors for increases or decreases in CSIs for almost all provinces and territories (Text box 5).

In Saskatchewan, decreases in a number of offences had an impact on the change in the CSI, however an 82% decrease in the rate of “other federal statute” violations was the largest contributor to a 3% decline in the CSI. The decrease in “other federal statute” violations was largely attributable to a change in the classification of some incidents involving alcohol consumption on a dry reserve. These incidents were previously reported by some police services as violations under the Indian Act and included under “other federal statute” violations. In October 2017, these detachments were advised that the federal prosecutors would no longer prosecute Indigenous community bylaw infractions under the Indian Act; therefore, these detachments started reporting these types of offences as mischief or disturbing the peace under the Criminal Code, which have a lower weight in the CSI than offences under the Indian Act.

In addition, a 5% decline in violations related to the administration of justice also had an impact on the decline in the CSI in Saskatchewan, particularly an 8% decrease in rates of failure to comply with an order, which accounted for 47% of these offences in 2018.

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Despite some fluctuations over the years, all provinces and territories except New Brunswick and Alberta reported lower CSIs in 2018 than in 2008, and all but Nunavut reported lower crime rates in the same time period (Table 8 and Table 9; Charts 7 to 10). While the crime rate for Nunavut was 9% higher than in 2008, there was a 2% decrease in the CSI.^Note 

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Two in three census metropolitan areas record increases in the severity of police-reported crime

Between 2017 and 2018, two in three (24 of 35) CMAs reported increases in their CSI (Table 10; Chart 11).^Note  The largest increases in CSI were recorded in the CMAs of Windsor (+21%), Moncton (+15%) and St. Catharines-Niagara (+15%). The offences contributing to the increases in these CMAs were somewhat varied (Table 11). In Windsor, relatively large increases in the rates of breaking and entering, fraud and homicide contributed to the increase in CSI. In St. Catharines-Niagara, a 35% increase in the rate of trafficking, production and importation or exportation of cannabis prior to its legalization, and a 29% increase in the rate of trafficking, production and importation or exportation of cocaine contributed to its increase in CSI. After reporting a 5% decrease in 2016, Moncton had an increase of 16% and 15% the last two years, mainly due to increases in fraud in both years.

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The largest decreases in CSI were reported in Belleville (-20%), Saguenay (-12%) and Peterborough (-10%) (Table 10; Table 11). In Belleville, decreases in other violent Criminal Code violations (namely, non-consensual distribution of intimate images and voyeurism) were significant drivers in the decline in its CSI. In Saguenay, large decreases in breaking and entering, and in other Criminal Code traffic violations (namely, failure to stop and remain) contributed to the decline, while a 59% increase in the rate of sexual violations against children partially offset the decrease in the CSI. In Peterborough, in addition to lower rates of breaking and entering, declines in robbery and other violent Criminal Code violations (sexual interference, non-consensual distribution of intimate images and trafficking in persons), were also factors in the lower CSI for 2018. Québec also reported a decrease in the CSI, mostly attributable to a reduction in the rates of breaking and entering (-13%), attempted murder (-69%), and homicide (-70%). In the previous year, there was a mass shooting that occurred at the Islamic Cultural Centre of Québec, which resulted in 6 homicides and 40 attempted murders; therefore, the reduction in rates for 2018 was expected.

Similar to the provincial trend, the highest CSIs are typically recorded in CMAs located in the Prairie provinces and British Columbia, whereas the lowest CSIs are most often recorded in Quebec, Ontario and the Atlantic provinces. Lethbridge (137.0), Regina (126.6), Winnipeg (119.4) and Saskatoon (118.0) were the CMAs with the highest CSIs in 2018. Relatively high CSIs were also recorded in Edmonton (114.9), Kelowna (100.7), Moncton (99.7) and Thunder Bay (94.3). The CMAs with the lowest CSIs were Québec (44.7), Peterborough (48.2) and Saguenay (48.5). These were followed by Barrie (50.4), Sherbrooke (51.7) and Toronto (53.6), which has historically had one of the lowest CSIs but reported an 8% increase from 2017 to 2018, largely attributable to increases in homicide and fraud.

Police-reported violent crime

In 2018, police-reported violent crime continued to account for about one-fifth (21%) of all police-reported Criminal Code offences (excluding traffic). There were over 423,700 police-reported violent incidents in 2018, over 17,000 more than the previous year, marking a 3% increase in the rate of police-reported violent incidents from the previous year (1,143 per 100,000 population versus 1,113 in 2017). The rate, however, was 14% lower than a decade earlier (Table 7). Rates for many police-reported violent violations increased between 2017 and 2018. Notable increases included extortion (+44%), level 1 sexual assault (+15%), other violations causing death (e.g., criminal negligence causing death) (+13%), and level 2 sexual assault (+7%). The largest decreases were reported for trafficking in persons (-16%),^Note  forcible confinement or kidnapping (-10%), and commodification of sexual activity (-9%).

Violent crime refers to those violations in the Criminal Code identified as crimes against the person, as opposed to property crimes and other Criminal Code violations such as offences against the administration of justice.^Note 

National Violent Crime Severity Index increases 1%, driven by a 5% increase in Ontario

In 2018, the overall volume and severity of violent crime—as measured by the Violent Crime Severity Index (VCSI)—was 82.4, a 1% increase over 2017 but 13% lower than in 2008. The VCSI fell every year between 2007 and 2014, before increasing for four consecutive years. The largest contributor to the increase in the VCSI in 2018 was a 15% increase in the rate of police-reported sexual assault (level 1) and, to a lesser extent, a 44% increase in extortion. Sexual assault (level 1) was also an important contributor to the increase in the VCSI in 2017. The overall increase in the VCSI was mitigated by decreases in robbery and homicide, two serious crimes that are heavily weighted in the index.

The increase in the VCSI was also driven by increases in the more heavily populated Ontario (+5%), as well as Manitoba (+6%), together accounting for the vast majority (87%) of the national increase (Table 8). Prince Edward Island (+20%), Nunavut (+16%), the Northwest Territories (+13%) and New Brunswick (+9%) also recorded increases in their VCSI, although their impact on the national trend was more modest given their relatively small population sizes. The other remaining provinces and territories reported decreases in their VCSI, except for Newfoundland and Labrador, which remained stable. The largest decreases in VCSI were reported in Yukon (-17%) and Saskatchewan (-5%) (see Text box 6).

The increase in Ontario was primarily due to increases in homicide and sexual assault (level 1), partially offset by a decrease in robbery. In Manitoba, the higher VSCI was attributable to increases in robbery, sexual assault (level 1) and violent firearms offences. The increase in Prince Edward Island was driven by increases in sexual assault (level 1), other violent Criminal Code violations (non-consensual distribution of intimate images) and uttering threats. In New Brunswick, the VSCI increase was due to higher rates of homicide, sexual assault (level 1) and aggravated assault (level 3). In the territories, Nunavut and the Northwest Territories recorded increases in their VCSI primarily due to large relative increases in homicide, among other offences.

In Yukon, the decline was driven by a large relative decrease in homicide (from 8 in 2017 to 3 in 2018) and partially offset by increases in assault (level 2), sexual violations against children and sexual assault (level 1). In Saskatchewan, the lower VCSI was the result of decreases in numerous offences, including sexual violations against children, assault (level 1 and 2), robbery and violent firearms offences, offset somewhat by an increase in sexual assault (level 1).^Note 

More than half of the census metropolitan areas record increases in the severity of police-reported violent crime

Increases in VCSIs were reported in 21 out of 35 CMAs. The largest increases were reported in Moncton (+21%), Trois-Rivières (+21%), Windsor (+17%), St. Catharines-Niagara (+16%), Greater Sudbury (+15%) and Lethbridge (+14%) (Table 10). Most of the increases were driven by increases in sexual assault (level 1), robbery or homicide.

The largest decreases in VCSI among the CMAs were the result of decreases in various offences in Belleville (-42%, driven by decreases in non-consensual distribution of intimate images and voyeurism), Peterborough (-25%, driven by decreases in robbery, non-consensual distribution of intimate images, trafficking in persons, attempted murder, and sexual violations against children), and Kelowna (-19%, driven by homicide, forcible confinement or kidnapping).

In 2018, the CMAs with the highest VCSIs were Winnipeg (161.4), Thunder Bay (159.7) and Regina (120.4). From 2008 to 2018, Thunder Bay, Winnipeg and Regina consistently reported among the highest VCSI values of all CMAs, with Thunder Bay and Winnipeg reporting among the three highest values every year the last eight years. Thunder Bay also reported the third highest violent crime rate (1,545 violent incidents per 100,000 population) in 2018, behind Lethbridge (1,842) and Moncton (1,596) (Table 12; Chart 12). The lowest VCSIs were reported in Kelowna (48.4), Peterborough (52.1) and Barrie (52.8).

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National homicide rate decreases, but varies across provinces and territories

After an increase in homicide in 2017, the rate decreased 4% in 2018, moving from 1.82 homicides per 100,000 population in 2017 to 1.76 in 2018. Homicide continued to represent 0.2% of all violent crimes. Although police reported 651 homicides in Canada in 2018, 15 fewer than the previous year, the 2018 homicide rate was still higher than the average for the previous decade (1.67 per 100,000 population for 2008 to 2017) (Table 1; Chart 13).

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The decrease in the national number of homicides was a result of notably fewer homicides in Alberta (-38 homicides), British Columbia (-30), Quebec (-10) and Nova Scotia (-10), partly offset by a large increase in Ontario (+69). With the exceptions of Alberta and Ontario, these provinces reported notable increases in 2017. Ontario had the largest increase in the rate of homicide among the provinces, primarily driven by the three serious events that occurred in Toronto as outlined in the context section, which accounted for 20 homicides and 26 attempted murders.^Note  As the country’s largest CMA in terms of population size, Toronto reported 142 homicides in 2018, 49 more than the previous year. This represented a 50% increase in the rate over the previous year—going from 1.51 homicides per 100,000 population in 2017 to 2.26 in 2018—the highest rate for the CMA since 1991 (2.55 per 100,000 population).

As has historically been the case when comparing homicide provincially, homicide rates were highest in Manitoba, Saskatchewan and the territories (Table 5; Chart 14). In 2018, as in 2017, Manitoba (4.07 homicides per 100,000 population) recorded the highest homicide rate among the provinces, followed by Saskatchewan (2.93). In contrast, Prince Edward Island recorded no homicides in 2018, while rates were lowest in Newfoundland and Labrador (0.38 homicides per 100,000 population), Quebec (0.99) and Nova Scotia (1.15). Despite the relatively large increase in the number of homicides in Ontario causing a 33% increase in the rate, Ontario’s rate of 1.86 homicides per 100,000 population was relatively similar to the national rate of 1.76 homicides per 100,000 population.

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Due to their small populations, the rate of homicide tends to vary in the territories and can be relatively high in some years, which also makes year-over-year comparisons difficult. In 2018, there were 17 homicides in the territories, a rate of 13.77 homicides per 100,000 population.

With a total of 8 homicides in 2018, Thunder Bay continued to record the highest homicide rate among the CMAs (6.38 homicides per 100,000 population) (Table 13). Brantford (with 5 homicides), Regina (with 8 homicides) and Abbotsford-Mission (with 6 homicides) had the next highest homicide rates (3.36, 3.10 and 3.07 per 100,000 population, respectively). In 2018, Barrie and Lethbridge were the only CMAs reporting no homicides.

Along with the overall decrease in homicide in 2018, both gang-related and firearm-related homicides decreased as well. According to the Homicide Survey,^Note  there were 157 gang-related homicides in 2018, 6 fewer than in 2017. Gang-related homicides continued to account for about one-quarter (25%) of all homicides. The gang-related homicide rate (0.42 per 100,000 population) decreased 5% from the previous year. This marked the first decrease after three consecutive years of increases; however, it was still the second highest rate recorded in Canada since comparable data was first collected in 2005.

The largest decreases in gang-related homicide were reported in British Columbia (-12 homicides) and Alberta (-9 homicides). The decline in Alberta was mostly in Calgary, which reported 8 fewer gang-related homicides in 2018 than in 2017. Although there was an overall decrease in the number of gang-related homicides nationally, and an overall decrease in homicide provincially, the number of gang-related homicides more than doubled in Quebec from 15 victims in 2017 to 32 in 2018. The increase in Quebec was driven by an additional 9 homicides in Montréal. Nationally, approximately 8 out of every 10 (83%)^Note  gang-related homicides were committed with a firearm and, of these, 70% were committed with a handgun.

Additionally, following two years of increases, the number of gang-related homicides in the CMA of Toronto remained unchanged in 2018 from the previous year at 36 victims. The proportion of gang-related homicides committed with a firearm remained relatively unchanged at 94% (compared with 92% in 2017). Ultimately, non-gang-related homicides accounted for the total increase in the number of homicides in Toronto, with an 83% increase in the rate from 2017. Although the total number and rate of non-gang-related homicide in Toronto increased in 2018, the proportion of homicides committed with a firearm decreased from 45% of non-gang-related homicide in 2017 to 39% in 2018. Of the non-gang non-firearm-related homicides where the weapon used was known, 47% were committed using a knife or other piercing/cutting instrument, followed by the use of a motor vehicle (22%, including an attack in the North York City Centre business district of Toronto, where pedestrians were deliberately struck with a van) and physical force (15%).

Nationally, there were 249 homicides caused by a firearm (firearm-related) reported in 2018, 18 fewer than in 2017. The firearm-related homicide rate (0.67 per 100,000 population) decreased 8% from the previous year. Prior to 2018, firearm-related homicide had been increasing since 2014, with gang-related violence being the primary driver. In 2018, 51% of firearm-related homicide was related to gang activity. Overall, in 2018, gang-related homicide committed with a firearm represented 19% of all homicide, compared to 21% the year before.

Provincially, the largest decreases in firearm-related homicides were reported in Alberta (-20 homicides) and British Columbia (-18 homicides). In contrast, Ontario reported 36 more firearm-related homicides. At the CMA level, the largest increases in firearm-related homicides were reported in Toronto (+14 homicides) and Montréal (+4 homicides). Otherwise, 23 out of 35 CMAs reported either no change or a decrease in firearm-related homicides year over year, including Calgary (-7 homicides) and Québec (-6 homicides), which reported the largest decreases among CMAs. Overall, the national decrease in firearm-related homicides was largely a result of decreases outside of CMAs. The rate for firearm-related homicides decreased 1% among all CMAs, compared to a decrease of 25% outside of the CMAs.

Almost all provinces and territories report decreases in the rate of police-reported attempted murder

The attempted murder rate in Canada decreased 3% between 2017 and 2018 to 2.18 per 100,000 population. Almost all provinces and territories reported decreases, except for Nunavut (+291%), New Brunswick (+49%), Ontario (+26%) and the Northwest Territories (+1%) (Table 5). The counts of attempted murders in Nunavut and New Brunswick were relatively small, so any changes caused large fluctuations in the rate. The increase in Ontario was due to an additional 81 attempted murders in 2018 compared to 2017. Twenty-six of these attempted murders were reported as part of two incidents that occurred in the city of Toronto. An attack in the North York City Centre business district resulted in 13 victims of attempted murder, and a shooting on Danforth Avenue in the city’s Greektown resulted in an additional 13 victims of attempted murder. In contrast, there were 38 fewer attempted murders in Quebec and 32 fewer in British Columbia in 2018, the provinces with the largest decrease in incidents, and for British Columbia, the third largest decrease in rate.

In total, there were 807 attempted murders reported by police in Canada in 2018, 14 fewer than the previous year. The rate of attempted murder has remained consistently higher than the homicide rate since the 1980s, and these offences have often had similar trends over time (Chart 13).

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Increase in police-reported extortion in all provinces

The national rate of police-reported extortion (13 incidents per 100,000 population) increased 44% in 2018 from 2017, with an increase of 1,478 incidents (Table 1). Historically, the national extortion rate has fluctuated going back to 1998; however, following a 12% increase in the rate of extortion in 2012, the rate has been on an upward trend. According to several Canadian police services, as well as the Canadian Anti-Fraud Centre, the nature of extortion has been shifting in the digital world, including the use of hostage-taking scams, ransomware, sextortion and various other digital and electronic scams (CAFC 2019).

Extortion was the second highest contributor to the increase in the national VCSI, behind sexual assault (level 1). Among the provinces and territories, only Yukon and Nunavut did not report increases in the rate of extortion as they reported no incidents of extortion in 2018. The large majority of the increase in incidents of extortion in 2018 were due to increases in British Columbia (+463 incidents, +80% rate), Quebec (+358 incidents, +33% rate), Ontario (+306 incidents, +30% rate) and Alberta (+204 incidents, +52% rate). All of the CMAs except for Saguenay, Windsor, Sherbrooke, Saint John, and Peterborough reported increases in extortion in 2018. Vancouver and Montréal reported the largest increases in incidents (+257 and +158, respectively).

Increase in overall rate of police-reported major physical assault

Physical assault, like sexual assault, is classified by the Criminal Code and the majority fall into one of three separate levels depending on the nature and severity of the incident (see “Key terminology and definitions” for more detail on assault offences).

Physical assault continued to be the most prevalent form of police-reported violent crime in Canada in 2018, accounting for close to 6 in 10 (57%) violent offences.^Note  Police reported just under 240,500 assaults in 2018, over 8,500 more incidents than in 2017, marking a 2% increase in the rate of physical assault. Most (70%) of the physical assaults reported by police were classified as common assault (level 1).^Note  There were over 6,000 more common assaults in Canada in 2018 than in 2017, representing a 2% increase in rate. Part of this increase could have been due to changes in the definition of “founded” when classifying incidents. In 2018, the year the changes in standards were enacted, 10% of level 1 assault incidents were classified as unfounded, marking a decrease from 11% in 2017 (Table 2).

As noted above, on January 1, 2018, the CCJS, in collaboration with police, changed the definition of “founded” incidents in the UCR. The new definition now includes incidents where there is no credible evidence to confirm that the reported incident did not take place and third-party reports that fit these criteria. Analysis of level 1 common assault estimates that without the change in reporting standards, the increase in the rate of police-reported level 1 common assault in 2018 may not have changed noticeably from the 2% increase reported in 2018 (see “Text box 2 and Survey description”).

After decreasing steadily between 2007 and 2014, the national rate of major assault (level 2 and 3) increased in 2018 for the fourth consecutive year due to higher rates of assault with a weapon or causing bodily harm (level 2) (+2%) (Chart 15; Table 5). The increase in the rate of assault (level 2) was largely due to increases in Ontario (+5%) and British Columbia (+4%). The rate of aggravated assault (level 3) decreased by 3% nationally in 2018 (Table 1).

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Police-reported robbery rate decreases

Robbery is any theft or attempted theft involving violence or the threat of violence. There was a general downward trend in robbery starting in 2006 which ended with an increase in 2015. After another increase between 2016 and 2017, the rate of robbery (61 per 100,000 population) decreased -3% in 2018, to its lowest level since 2014 (Chart 15; Table 1). Police reported approximately 22,400 robberies in 2018, about 380 fewer than the year before.

Changes in the rate of robbery in 2018 varied by province and territory, with 6 of the 13 jurisdictions reporting decreases (Table 5). Changes also varied by CMA (Table 13).

Police-reported non-violent crime

In 2018, most crime reported by police continued to be non-violent in nature, with property offences and other Criminal Code offences accounting for nearly four out of five (79%) police-reported Criminal Code incidents (excluding traffic). In total, there were over 1.6 million police-reported non-violent incidents in 2018 (excluding traffic), of which more than 1.2 million were property crimes (Table 7). After notable increases in property offences in 2015 followed by stability in 2016, the rate of property crime has risen more slowly the last two years, increasing 1% between 2016 and 2017, and 2% between 2017 and 2018. The property crime rate rose from 3,266 to 3,339 incidents per 100,000 population between 2017 and 2018.

Non-violent Crime Severity Index increases for fourth year in a row

Between 2017 and 2018, Canada’s Non-violent Crime Severity Index (NVCSI), which includes drug crime, other federal statutes and Criminal Code traffic offences, rose 2% (Table 6). The primary offences contributing to the increase were fraud, shoplifting of $5,000 or under and theft over $5,000. These were partially offset by a decline in breaking and entering.

Between 2017 and 2018, provincial and territorial changes to the NVCSI varied (Table 8). The largest increases were reported in Prince Edward Island (+16%), Ontario (+7%), Manitoba (+6%), and Newfoundland and Labrador (+6%). Increases in fraud, and breaking and entering were important contributors to the rise in NVCSI in these provinces (see Text box 8).

As with the VCSI, changes in the NVCSI varied considerably among the CMAs in 2018. The largest increases in the NVCSI were recorded in Windsor (+23%), St. John’s (+19%), Barrie (+18%) and St. Catharines-Niagara (+15%). Breaking and entering was a significant contributor to the increased NVCSIs in all of these CMAs, among other offences. In addition, breaking and entering was a driver in many of the CMAs with the largest decreases in NVCSI, such as Saguenay (-19%), Sherbrooke (-6%), and Gatineau (-5%).

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Decrease in rate of police-reported breaking and entering for third year in a row

Police-reported breaking and entering is considered to be the most serious property crime (based on CSI weight). In 2018, breaking and entering continued to be one of the most common forms of property crime, just behind theft of $5,000 or under, and mischief. Almost 160,000 incidents of breaking and entering were reported to police in 2018, accounting for 13% of property crime. Since peaking in 1991, the police-reported rate of breaking and entering has generally declined in Canada, with three increases reported in 1996, 2003 and 2015 (Chart 16). In 2018, the rate declined 1% nationally to 431 per 100,000 population. Since 2008, the rate of breaking and entering has fallen 32% and, in that year, it accounted for 15% of all police-reported property crime.

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Seven provinces and territories reported declines in rates of breaking and entering in 2018. Nunavut (-19%), Quebec (-15%), and Newfoundland and Labrador (-6%) reported the largest declines (Table 5). The provinces and territories that reported the largest increases were Prince Edward Island (+21%), Ontario (+6%) and Yukon (+5%). Given its relatively high volume and CSI weight, changes in rates of breaking and entering had a measurable impact on CSIs in most jurisdictions (Text box 5).

The overall decrease in breaking and entering was the result of decreases outside of CMAs, as only 10 out of 35 CMAs reported decreases in breaking and entering, and the overall rate among the CMAs increased 1% in 2018 (Table 13).

Police-reported motor vehicle theft rate stable but varies considerably by census metropolitan area

According to the Insurance Bureau of Canada (IBC), aspects of motor vehicle theft are related to organized crime, including money laundering and the resale of high-end cars. The most common motivations for motor vehicle theft, according to the IBC, are to sell the stolen vehicle overseas, to resell the vehicle to an unsuspecting buyer, to use the vehicle in “joyriding,” and to steal the vehicle in the commission of another crime and subsequently abandon it (Sommerfeld 2018).

Although there were 1,017 more motor vehicle thefts in 2018 compared to 2017, the rate remained stable due to an increase in the population size. The rate of motor vehicle theft in Canada was 38% lower in 2018 than a decade earlier (Chart 16). An increase in the rate of motor vehicle theft in Ontario (+17%) combined with decreases in British Columbia (-14%) and Alberta (-7%) were the primary contributors to the net increase in incidents of motor vehicle thefts.

As with other police-reported crimes, changes in rates of motor vehicle theft varied considerably by CMA (Table 13). Despite the national stability in motor vehicle theft, 22 of the 35 CMAs reported increases in the rate of motor vehicle theft in 2018.

Police-reported impaired driving rate stable, drug-impaired driving rate up for the fifth year in a row

Police reported almost 70,400 impaired driving incidents in 2018, just under 1,300 more than the year before. After declining for six years straight, the rate of impaired driving (alcohol, drugs and unspecified) remained relatively stable in 2018 with a rate of 190 incidents per 100,000 population (Chart 17).

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While the rate of police-reported impaired driving remained relatively stable in 2018, there was some variation among the provinces and territories. Five provinces reported decreases: Manitoba (-9%), Newfoundland and Labrador (-6%), Ontario (-3%), Quebec (-2%) and Saskatchewan (-1%). The remaining provinces and the three territories reported increases. The most significant increase was recorded in Prince Edward Island (+47%), followed by Yukon (+9%), Nunavut (+9%), British Columbia (+6%) and Nova Scotia (+5%).

Almost all (93%) police-reported impaired driving incidents continued to involve alcohol in 2018, while a small proportion (6%) involved drugs. This proportion increased slightly from 5% in 2017. The remaining impaired driving incidents fell under the new legislation that came into force June 21, 2018. Bill C-46, An Act to amend the Criminal Code (offences relating to conveyances) and to make consequential amendments to other Acts, introduced amendments to the Criminal Code sections related to impaired driving, including giving police new powers to conduct alcohol and drug screening. New violations were included to capture impaired driving where the substance (whether alcohol or drugs) causing impairments was not known, and violations to capture impaired driving where it was known that impairment was caused by a combination of alcohol and drugs (Text box 3).

The rate for all drug-impaired driving violations increased 25% between 2017 and 2018 (Chart 18). In total, there were 4,423 drug-impaired driving violations in 2018, 929 more than the previous year. The national increase in the rate of drug-impaired driving was largely driven by increased rates in Ontario (+36%), Alberta (+34%), British Columbia (+21%) and Quebec (+17%). Only Nunavut (-30%) and Newfoundland and Labrador (-1%) reported declines in drug-impaired driving.

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Despite the 25% increase in the rate of drug-impaired driving violations, the rate remained relatively low in 2018 compared with the rate of alcohol-impaired driving (12 versus 177 per 100,000 population). The low rate for drug-impaired driving may be partly explained by the fact that detecting and measuring the level of drug impairment can be more difficult than it is for alcohol-impaired driving (Owusu-Bempah 2014). In incidents where the driver may be impaired by both alcohol and drugs, it is generally easier for police to lay charges for alcohol-impaired driving and the majority of cases are reported as such (Perreault 2016).

For the UCR, police do not report the type of drug associated with the drug-impaired driving incident. As such, it is difficult to determine the impact of cannabis legalization on drug-impaired driving. According to Statistics Canada’s National Cannabis Survey (first quarter 2019), however, 18% of Canadians aged  15 and older had consumed cannabis in the past three months, up from 14% in the first quarter of 2018 (before legalization). Among cannabis users with a valid driver’s license, 15% reported driving within two hours of using (Statistics Canada 2019).

It is important to note that the number of impaired driving offences reported by police can be influenced by a number of factors, including changes in legislation, varying law enforcement practices across jurisdictions (e.g., roadside check programs such as Ontario’s Reduce Impaired Driving Everywhere [RIDE] Program), as well as changing societal attitudes (Perreault 2016). In some jurisdictions, like British Columbia, impaired driving incidents that meet the elements of the Criminal Code may be handled using a provincial statute.

Police-reported youth crime

While overall crime statistics are based on the number of criminal incidents reported by police (regardless of whether or not an accused was identified), measures of police-reported youth crime are based on the number of youth, aged  12 to 17, accused in a criminal incident by police.^Note  The number of youth accused includes youth who were either charged, or recommended for charging, as well as those who were cleared by other means, including those diverted from the formal criminal justice system through the use of warnings, cautions, referrals to community programs and other diversion programs.

Youth—and young adults aged  18 to 24—are much more likely to be accused of a police-reported crime than people aged  25 and older. Previous analysis showed that rates of youth accused of crime in 2014 were more than twice as high as rates for individuals aged  25 and older; however, rates of individuals accused of crime were highest among young adults (Allen and Superle 2016). That being said, the police-reported youth crime rate has been on a long downward trend, declining for over two decades after peaking in 1991. Relative to crime overall, the decline in youth crime has been dramatic. Between 2008 and 2018, while the overall crime rate and CSI fell 17%, the rate of youth accused of crime fell 48% and the Youth CSI (YCSI) fell 42%.

For the most part, police-reported youth crime involves relatively minor offences. Similar to previous years, the most common criminal offences committed by youth in 2018 were level 1 assault (521 accused per 100,000 youth), shoplifting of $5,000 or under (446) and mischief (371) (Table 14). All of these offences were also among the most common violations committed by adults. Rates of administration of justice violations, such as breach of probation and failure to appear, were also relatively high as were the rates of cannabis possession and uttering threats (Table 14; Table 15).

Decreases in the Youth Crime Severity Index and the rate of youth accused of crime

In 2018, the youth crime rate dropped 10%, marking the largest decrease in the youth crime rate since 2013 (Table 16). There were about 80,200 youth accused of a criminal offence in 2018, over 9,000 fewer than in the previous year. In addition, the YCSI—which measures both the volume and severity of crime involving youth accused (charged and not charged)—decreased 11% in 2018, again marking the largest decrease in the YCSI since 2013 (Table 17; Table 18). The YCSI has generally been on a downward trend since 2010, with annual decreases in 7 of the last 9 years. In 2018, the first decline in the Violent YCSI (-6%) was noted after three years of increases (Chart 19).

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The decline in the YCSI in 2018 was primarily the result of decreases in the rate of youth accused of breaking and entering (-25%), homicide (-30%), shoplifting of $5,000 or under (-17%), and robbery (-5%). The only offence with a notable increase in the rate of youth accused was sexual assault (level 1), which saw a 12% increase (Table 19; Table 20).

All provinces and territories experienced a decrease in the YCSI, except for Prince Edward Island, which remained relatively stable. This stability, however, was the result of a 12% increase in the violent YCSI, offset by an 8% decrease in the Non-violent YCSI.

Most youth accused of police-reported crime are not charged, especially for minor offences

In keeping with the principles and objectives of the Youth Criminal Justice Act (YCJA)—namely to divert youth away from the formal justice system especially when they are accused of relatively minor offences—56% of youth accused of crime in 2018 were not charged by police, compared with 57% in 2017. The rate of youth who were charged decreased by 7% in 2018 from 2017, while the rate of youth who were not charged decreased by 13% (Chart 20).^Note 

Among youth accused, the percentage who were not charged was higher for property offences (70%) compared to violent offences (50%). For the most serious violent offences, the percentage not charged tended to be much lower. In contrast, for youth accused of theft of $5,000 or under, and mischief, around four in five were not charged (74% and 80%, respectively). While for breaking and entering, the most serious property offence, 50% of youth accused were not charged.

The YCJA outlines a variety of extrajudicial measures that can be used by police in lieu of charging a youth with an offence such as warnings and cautions, or referrals to community programs or other extrajudicial sanction programs under the YCJA. Following the introduction of the YCJA in 2003, the proportion of youth accused who were charged by police dropped substantially as more youth were dealt with by extrajudicial measures, especially for less serious offences. The percentage of youth who were charged has remained relatively level since then.

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Summary

In 2018, both the police-reported Crime Severity Index (CSI) and the crime rate increased 2%. This was the fourth consecutive annual increase in the CSI after 11 years of declines from 2004 and 2014.The majority of Canada’s provinces and territories reported increases in their CSI, with the exception of Nova Scotia, Quebec, Saskatchewan and Yukon. Alberta and British Columbia experienced essentially no change in their CSIs.

The 2% increase in the national CSI between 2017 and 2018 was primarily the result of higher rates of police-reported incidents of fraud (+13%), sexual assault (level 1) (+15%), as well as shoplifting of $5,000 or under (+14%) and theft over $5,000 (+15%). These increases were partially offset by a lower rate of police-reported incidents of breaking and entering (-1%) and robbery (-3%).

Prior to legalized cannabis, only the rate of police-reported importation or exportation of cannabis rose above the previous year, while possession, trafficking and production fell. The new offences under the Cannabis Act accounted for 4% of all cannabis-related offences in 2018. Police reported a growing number of offences involving methamphetamine (crystal meth) and ecstasy. In the first year that opioid-related offences (including fentanyl) were collected separately from “other drugs”, police reported 2,490 incidents.

Key terminology and definitions

Incident (or Offence): A criminal incident involves one or more related offences that are committed during a single criminal event and have been reported to police. Where there are multiple victims within a single criminal event, a separate aggregate incident is counted for each victim. For example, a single incident involving an assault on three victims at the same time and location is counted in the aggregate statistics as three incidents of assault. For an incident to be counted in the crime statistics it must be recorded as “founded” as opposed to “unfounded.” Police services can report up to four violations for each incident, however, for both the traditional crime rate and the CSI are based on the most serious violation in the criminal incident. For the purposes of this article, offence and incident are used interchangeably.

Most serious violation: Individuals accused of crime are categorized by the most serious violation occurring in the police-reported incident in which they are accused. In incidents with multiple accused involving multiple violations, each individual in the incident will be coded with the most serious violation even if this was not the violation(s) that the person was accused of committing. It is therefore possible that the most serious violation is not the offence for which an individual was accused, but one committed by another accused in the incident. Moreover, in this type of incident, any charges against the accused may be for less serious offences in the incident.

Founded: An incident is “founded” if, after police investigation it has been determined that the reported offence did occur or was attempted (even if the charged/suspect chargeable (CSC) [i.e., the accused] is unknown) or there is no credible evidence to confirm that the reported incident did not take place. This includes third-party reports that fit these criteria. For the Uniform Crime Reporting Survey, the concept of a CSC refers to a person against whom there is enough evidence for police to either lay a charge or recommend to the Crown that a charge be laid. Effective January 1, 2018.

Unfounded: An incident is “unfounded” if it has been determined through police investigation that the offence reported did not occur, nor was it attempted. Effective January 1, 2018.

Gang-related homicide: A homicide is classified as gang-related when police confirm or suspect that the accused person and/or victim involved in the homicide was either a member, or a prospective member, of an organized crime group or street gang or was somehow associated with an organized crime group or street gang, and the homicide was carried out as a result of this association. Prior to 2005, police were asked if the homicide was "gang-related". Beginning in 2005, the question was amended to give police the option of specifying whether the homicide was: (a) confirmed as gang-related or (b) suspected as being gang-related.

Firearm-related violent crime: Firearm-related violent crime shows the number of victims of violent Criminal Code offences where a firearm was fired or used as a threat, and/or where a firearm was present and not used but the presence of the firearm was relevant to the incident, according to the police.

Firearm-related homicide: A homicide is classified as firearm-related when the weapon used to cause death is a firearm. Firearms include handguns, rifles or shotguns, fully automatic firearms, firearm-like weapons (e.g. nail guns or pellet guns) and firearms - type unknown.

Violent offences: Involve the use or threat of violence against a person, including homicide, attempted murder, assault, sexual assault and robbery. Robbery is considered a violent offence because, unlike other theft offences, it involves the use or threat of violence. See Table 1 for a list of selected offences in this category.

Homicide: Includes first and second degree murder, manslaughter and infanticide. Deaths caused by criminal negligence, suicide and accidental or justifiable homicide are not included in this classification.

Assault (physical): Refers to the Criminal Code categories of physical assault.

• Common assault: Includes the Criminal Code category assault (level 1) which includes pushing, slapping, punching and face-to-face verbal threats.
• Major assault: Includes Criminal Code assault level 2 and 3:
  • Level 2–assault with a weapon or causing bodily harm: Involves carrying, using or threatening to use a weapon against a person or causing someone bodily harm.
  • Level 3–aggravated assault: Involves wounding, maiming, disfiguring or endangering the life of a person.
• Other assaults: Includes other forms of physical assault, including assault against a peace officer, unlawfully causing bodily harm, discharging a firearm with intent, using a firearm or an imitation of a firearm in commission of offence, pointing a firearm, criminal negligence causing bodily harm, trap likely to or causing bodily harm, and less common other assaults “of hoax terrorism causing bodily harm (Criminal Code s. 83),” “bodily harm resulting from failure to safeguard an opening in ice or on land (s. 263)” and “otherwise unlawfully causing bodily harm (s. 269).”

Sexual assault: Is classified by level in the Criminal Code into three separate categories—depending on the nature and severity of the incident—including level 1, assault of a sexual nature that violates the sexual integrity of the victim; level 2, sexual assault with a weapon or causing bodily involves sexual assault with a weapon, threats to use a weapon or causing bodily harm; and level 3, aggravated sexual assault involves sexual assault that wounds, maims, disfigures or endangers the life of the victim.

Sexual violations against children: Include Criminal Code violations that specifically concern offences involving child and youth victims. These include sexual interference, invitation to sexual touching, sexual exploitation, making sexually explicit material available to children for the purpose of facilitating sexual offences against children/youth, luring a child via telecommunications or the agreement/arrangement by means of telecommunication to commit a sexual offence against a child. As of December 2014, also includes the offences of parent or guardian procuring sexual activity (Criminal Code, s. 170) and householder permitting prohibited sexual activity (Criminal Code, s. 171). A “householder” is any “owner, occupier or manager of premises, or any other person who has control of premises or assists in the management or control of premises” (Criminal Code, s. 171). Incidents of child pornography are not included in the category of sexual violations against children. Excludes incidents of sexual assault level 1, 2 and 3 against children and youth which are counted within those three violation categories.

Other sexual offences: not involving sexual assault or sexual violations against children are included with “other violent offences.”

Non-violent offences: Include property offences and other Criminal Code offences, as well as Criminal Code traffic offences, drug-related offences and violations of other federal statutes.

Property offences: Involve unlawful acts to gain property, but do not involve the use or threat of violence against the person. They include offences such as break and enter, theft and mischief. See Table 1 for a list of selected offences in this category.

“Other” Criminal Code offences: Include crimes such as disturbing the peace and offences against the administration of justice (e.g., failure to comply with an order, failure to appear and breach of probation).

Drug-related offences: Include offences under the Controlled Drugs and Substances Act such as possession, trafficking, production, importation and exportation of drugs or narcotics. Examples include cannabis (prior to the enactment of the Cannabis Act on October 17, 2018), cocaine, heroin and other drugs such as methamphetamine (crystal meth), PCP, LSD and ecstasy. Also includes cannabis-related offences under the Cannabis Act, and beginning in November 2017, violations specific to opioids (excluding heroin but including fentanyl).

Other federal statute violations: Include violations of federal statutes other than the Criminal Code and the Controlled Drugs and Substances Act. These include violations of the Youth Criminal Justice Act.

Detailed data tables

Table 1 Police-reported crime for selected offences, Canada, 2017 and 2018

Table 2 Police-reported crime and proportion deemed unfounded, selected offences, Canada, 2017 and 2018

Table 3 Police-reported crime for selected drug offences, Canada, 2017 and 2018

Table 4 Police-reported crime for selected drug offences, by province or territory, 2018

Table 5 Police-reported crime for selected offences, by province or territory, 2018

Table 6 Police-reported Crime Severity Indexes, Canada, 2008 to 2018

Table 7 Police-reported crime rate, Canada, 2008 to 2018

Table 8 Police-reported Crime Severity Indexes, by province or territory, 2018

Table 9 Police-reported crime rate, by province or territory, 2018

Table 10 Police-reported Crime Severity Indexes, by census metropolitan area, 2018

Table 11 Violations contributing to the change in the Crime Severity Index, by census metropolitan area, 2017 and 2018

Table 12 Police-reported crime rate, by census metropolitan area, 2018

Table 13 Police-reported crime for selected offences, by census metropolitan area, 2018

Table 14 Police-reported youth crime for selected offences, Canada, 2017 and 2018

Table 15 Police-reported youth crime for selected drug offences, Canada, 2017 and 2018

Table 16 Youth accused of police-reported crime, Canada, 2008 to 2018

Table 17 Police-reported youth Crime Severity Indexes, Canada, 2008 to 2018

Table 18 Police-reported youth Crime Severity Indexes, by province or territory, 2018

Table 19 Police-reported youth crime, by selected violent offences, by province or territory, 2018

Table 20 Police-reported youth crime, by selected non-violent offences, by province or territory, 2018

Survey description

Uniform Crime Reporting Survey

The Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) Survey was established in 1962 with the co-operation and assistance of the Canadian Association of Chiefs of Police. The UCR was designed to measure criminal incidents that have been reported to federal, provincial/territorial and municipal police services in Canada.

One incident can involve multiple offences. In order to ensure comparability, counts presented in this article are based on the most serious offence in the incident as determined by a standard classification rule used by all police services. Counts based on all violations are available upon request.

Each year, the UCR database is “frozen” at the end of May for the production of crime statistics for the preceding calendar year. However, police services continue to send updated data to Statistics Canada after this date for incidents that occurred in previous years. Generally, these revisions constitute new accused records, as incidents are solved and accused persons are identified by police. Some new incidents, however, may be added and previously reported incidents may be deleted as new information becomes known.

Revisions are accepted for a one-year period after the data are initially released. For example, when the 2018 crime statistics are released, the 2017 data are updated with any revisions that have been made between May 2018 and May 2019. The data are revised only once and are then permanently frozen. Over the past 14 years (2004 to 2017), data corresponding to previous years have been revised upward 11 times and revised downward 3 times, with an average annual revision of 0.16%. The 2017 revision to counts of persons charged and youth not charged resulted in a 0.6% increase to 2017 counts.

Measuring incidents of crime

Data from the UCR are used to calculate both the traditional crime rate and the Crime Severity Index (CSI). The traditional crime rate and the CSI are based on the aggregate count of criminal incidents. A criminal incident involves one or more related offences that are committed during a single criminal event and have been reported to police. Where there are multiple victims within a single criminal event, a separate aggregate incident is counted for each victim. For example, a single incident involving an assault on three victims at the same time and location is counted in the aggregate statistics as three incidents of assault. For an incident to be counted in the crime statistics it must be recorded as “founded” as opposed to “unfounded.” An incident is “founded” if, after police investigation it has been determined that the reported offence did occur or was attempted or there is no credible evidence to confirm that the reported incident did not take place. This includes third-party reports that fit these criteria.

Police services can report up to four violations for each incident; however, this has typically only been the practice since the late 1980s and not for all police services. Therefore, both the traditional crime rate and the CSI are based on the most serious violation in the criminal incident. By basing the measures on the most serious offence in an incident, it allows for historical comparisons, as well as better comparisons among police services.

It is possible, however, that by counting only the most serious violation, some offences may be under-represented. This has little or no effect on serious violent offences such as homicide, sexual assault and aggravated assault; however, some—but not all—minor offences are less likely to be the most serious violation when they are occurring at the same time as other more serious violations. These secondary offences, therefore, are not included in the calculation of aggregate statistics, the crime rate and the CSI.

For more information on counting crime in Canada, see Measuring Crime in Canada: Introducing the Crime Severity Index and Improvements to the Uniform Crime Reporting Survey (Wallace et al. 2009) and The Methodology of the Police-reported Crime Severity Index (Babyak et al. 2009).

Estimating the impact of changes to reporting standards

In January 2018, the definition of both “founded” and “unfounded” criminal incidents was updated to reflect a more victim-centred approach to recording crimes that accounts for the complexities of certain offences such as sexual assault, family violence and intimate partner violence. Estimates of what the crime rate could have been in 2018 had the new reporting standards not been in place were calculated for specific violations. These included violations that were most responsible for the increase in the national CSI. The estimated values were determined by evaluating the following factors: incidents that could have previously been deemed unsubstantiated and therefore not reported to the CCJS; proportions of unfounded, not cleared, and cleared using the previous reporting standards; and the observed trend between 2015 and 2017 for unfounded, not cleared, and cleared incidents.

Homicide Survey

The Homicide Survey collects police-reported data on the characteristics of all homicide incidents, victims and accused persons in Canada. The Homicide Survey began collecting information on all murders in 1961 and was expanded in 1974 to include all incidents of manslaughter and infanticide. Although details on these incidents are not available prior to 1974, counts are available from the UCR and are included in the historical aggregate totals.

Due to revisions to the Homicide Survey database, annual data reported by the Homicide Survey prior to 2015 may not match the annual homicide counts reported by the UCR. Data from the Homicide Survey are appended to the UCR database each year for the reporting of annual police reported crime statistics. Each reporting year, the UCR includes revised data reported by police for the previous survey year. In 2015, a review of data quality was undertaken for the Homicide Survey for all survey years from 1961 to 2014. The review included the collection of incident, victim and charged/suspect-chargeable records that were previously unreported to the Homicide Survey. In addition, the database excludes deaths, and associated accused records, which were no longer deemed as homicide by police (e.g., incidents of self-defence, suicide and criminal negligence causing death that had originally been deemed, but no longer considered, homicide). For operational reasons, these revisions were not applied to the UCR.

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