Gender differences in experiences of violence and unwanted sexual behaviour in Canada, 2025

Gender-based violence includes a wide range of behaviours, from non-criminal acts such as unwelcome comments or gestures, to criminal behaviours such as sexual assault or homicide. While not all forms of gender-based violence meet the criminal threshold, they all generally refer to acts committed against someone based on their actual or perceived gender, gender identity, or gender expression (Women and Gender Equality Canada, 2025). Regardless of the specific form of violence, these behaviours can result in a broad range of negative impacts for those who experience them.

Measuring gender-based violence is complex, as victims and perpetrators may not perceive or recognize the social or systemic factors related to gender and inequality that, broadly, contribute to gender-based violence. In other words, asking an individual directly if they have experienced gender-based violence may not yield accurate results. Instead, focusing on specific and detailed behaviours and acts of violence and then examining the broader contexts around these experiences can reveal differences in the ways in which women and men experience violence, in terms of the context, type, and consequences. Furthermore, there are differences among women and men based on the intersection of other demographic and socioeconomic characteristics.

Many forms of gender-based violence impact women and girls disproportionately. In many cases, other characteristics, such as Indigenous identity, disability, or sexual orientation, intersect with gender to impact not only the likelihood of experiencing violence, but also other factors such as levels of reporting to police or the availability of appropriate support services. These experiences can have significant short, medium, and long-term consequences on the physical and mental health and well-being of those who are victims.^Note 

Gender-based violence has a far-reaching impact on society, even beyond the immediate and potentially traumatic impact on those who directly experience it. Gender-based violence has been associated with numerous negative consequences at the societal level, including the generational impact that exposure to violence and trauma can have on future victimization and perpetration of violence, an increased demand on social service, healthcare and justice systems, and the economic impacts of lost productivity (e.g., Hoddenbagh et al., 2014; Lachapelle & Savard, 2025; United Nations, 2020; Women and Gender Equality Canada, 2025; Zhang et al., 2012). 

In 2025,^Note  the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces (SSPPS) was conducted for the second time, following its initial cycle in 2018. The SSPPS measures a wide range of criminal and non-criminal behaviours in public, online, in the workplace, at school, and within intimate partner relationships. The survey thus provides a broad overview of the types of gender-based violence faced by individuals living in Canada.

This analysis focuses on overall patterns of violence in the 12 months preceding the 2025 SSPPS, with particular attention to the relationship between gender^Note  and the type, nature, severity, and prevalence of violence.^Note  Results are based on responses received from more than 48,500 people 15 years of age and older living in Canada, weighted so as to be representative of the total population. This information can be used to better understand gender differences and focus resources on addressing particular forms of violence, particular populations at risk of violence, or particular concerns or needs that may disproportionately impact women or men who have been victims of violence.

This analysis serves as a general overview of experiences of physical and sexual violence and unwanted behaviours in Canada, presenting key findings and highlighting changes since 2018. Moving forward, these data can be further used—on their own and in combination with complementary sources such as police-reported data—to examine more specific populations, types of violence, or research questions in greater depth and detail.

This Juristat article, along with the development and collection of the SSPPS, was funded by Women and Gender Equality Canada as part of the National Action Plan to End Gender-Based Violence (Women and Gender Equality Canada, 2022).

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Overall prevalence of physical and sexual assault similar to 2018

In 2025, approximately 2 million people living in Canada, or 5.8% of the population 15 years of age and older, were victims of physical or sexual assault in the 12 months preceding the survey (Table 1).^Note  This was similar to 2018, when 6.2% of the population indicated that they had been physically or sexually assaulted in the previous 12 months.^Note 

Overall, the prevalence of sexual assault declined (from 2.5% to 2.2%), while there was no significant difference for physical assault (4.6% in 2018 and 4.5% in 2025).

Sexual assault more prevalent among women than men, while the reverse is true for physical assault

There are important gender differences in the types and contexts of violence that are experienced. Mirroring the overall pattern found in 2018 (Cotter & Savage, 2019), as well as in numerous other studies based on self-reported (Conroy & Cotter, 2017; Cotter, 2021a) and police-reported data (Cotter, 2024), women (3.2%) were more likely than men (1.1%) to be victims of sexual assault. In contrast, physical assault was more prevalent among men (5.1%) than women (3.9%) (Table 1).

More specifically, physical assault was more prevalent among men when it occurred outside of intimate relationships (3.7% versus 2.6% among women), including both threats and physical attacks. However, the past 12-month prevalence of intimate partner physical assault was similar between men (2.5%) and women (2.5%). When examining the specific behaviours measured, men were more likely to be slapped (1.4%) or hit, kicked, grabbed, or bit (1.3%) by an intimate partner when compared with women (0.6% each). A higher proportion of women, in contrast, were shaken, pushed, grabbed or thrown (1.3% versus 1.0% of men), threatened with a weapon (0.5% versus 0.3%), or choked (0.6% versus 0.2%) by an intimate partner.^Note 

For women, intimate partner sexual assault has increased, while non-intimate partner sexual assault declined

The overall prevalence of sexual assault among women was unchanged from 2018 to 2025 (3.6% to 3.2%, a difference not found to be statistically significant). However, during that time, intimate partner sexual assault and non-intimate partner sexual assault have trended in opposite directions (Chart 1). In 2025, 2.0% of women indicated that they had been sexually assaulted by an intimate partner in the past 12 months, up from 1.3% in 2018. At the same time, the proportion of women sexually assaulted by someone other than an intimate partner declined, from 2.9% in 2018 to 2.4% in 2025. 

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When it came to physical assault, the proportion of women physically assaulted by a non-intimate partner increased from 2.0% to 2.6%, relative to 2018.

For men, similarly, the overall prevalence of physical and sexual assault was not statistically different in 2025 when compared to 2018. However, the proportion of men who were physically assaulted by an intimate partner declined, from 3.1% in 2018 to 2.5% in 2025 (Chart 2).

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Altogether, in 2025, women were more likely to be victims of sexual assault than men, both in the context of intimate partner violence (2.0 % versus 0.4%) and when the incident was not committed by an intimate partner (2.4% versus 0.9%) (Table 1). The gender gap was seen for sexual assault overall and for each specific type of sexual assault measured by the survey (Chart 3).

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Nearly one in ten victims of physical or sexual assault experienced ten or more separate incidents

As noted, prevalence does not account for other important factors such as frequency or severity.^Note  Many victims of violence experience repeated or multiple instances of violence, which can exacerbate the impacts and consequences of victimization. In 2025, about six in ten (56%) women who were physically or sexually assaulted by a non-intimate partner^Note  said that it happened on more than one occasion in the previous 12 months, compared with just under half (49%) of men (Chart 4). 

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The gender difference was seen in the proportion of victims who experienced one or two incidents, as there were no significant differences in the proportion of victims who experienced three or more separate incidents in the 12 months preceding the survey. Overall, among those who were victims of physical or sexual assault in 2025, 8.9% said that they experienced this violence on more than ten separate occasions.

Notably, while the overall prevalence of violent victimization was similar, the proportion of victims who reported more than 10 separate incidents was higher in 2025 (8.9%) than in 2018 (5.7%).

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Prevalence of physical and sexual assault in most provinces similar to 2018

In line with the overall general stability in the prevalence of violent victimization between 2018 and 2025, there were few statistically significant changes among the provinces and territories over this time (Chart 5). Among the provinces, only Quebec saw a notable change (declining from 5.3% in 2018 to 4.4% in 2025).

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Among the territories, the prevalence of physical and sexual assault declined in Nunavut, from 15% in 2018 to 8.2% in 2025. In Yukon and the Northwest Territories, there was no statistically significant change.

In 2025, the overall prevalence of physical and sexual assault was higher than the rest of the country in the Northwest Territories (10%) and Alberta (6.9%) (Table 3). Quebec (4.4%) and New Brunswick (4.5%), in contrast, were the only provinces where the prevalence of victimization was lower than the national average. The higher prevalence in Alberta was primarily due to higher levels of victimization among men, particularly physical assault. In the Northwest Territories, significant differences relative to the rest of the country were seen in the prevalence of victimization among women, particularly physical assault. In Quebec, the lower prevalence was observed for both women and men, and for both physical and sexual assault. In New Brunswick, it was driven by a lower prevalence of sexual assault.

There were also some differences in terms of area of residence; that is, living in an urban or rural area.^Note  In 2025, those living in an urban area of the provinces were victims of sexual assault (2.2%) more commonly than those living in rural areas (1.8%).^Note  In contrast, there was no significant difference in overall physical assault between urban (4.5%) and rural (4.2%) residents.^Note  However, physical assault by a non-intimate partner was more prevalent among those living in an urban area (3.2%) than those in a rural area (2.8%), while there was no significant difference in intimate partner physical assault (2.5% of urban and 2.5% of rural residents). 

Beyond prevalence, victimization in urban versus rural areas can differ in important ways; for instance, the impact of victimization may be heightened among rural residents, who may face additional challenges such as distance from or availability of services in more remote or less populated areas (Hale & Harkness, 2023; Letourneau et al., 2023).

Prevalence of sexual assault higher among youth and young adults—particularly women and girls

The prevalence of physical and sexual assault can also vary considerably among women and men, depending on other demographic and socio-economic characteristics. For instance, decades of research and data in Canada have found that age is one of the most significant factors associated with victimization; youth and young adults are more likely to be victims of violent crime than those in older age groups (Cotter, 2021a; Cotter & Savage, 2019; Perreault, 2015). This continued to be the case according to the 2025 SSPPS. Of the approximately 745,000 victims of sexual assault 15 years of age and older in 2025, more than four in ten (43%) were between the ages of 15 and 24.

This pattern was particularly apparent among women and girls. One in ten (10%) of those aged 15 to 24 years were sexually assaulted in the 12 months preceding the survey, more than double the proportion of women aged 25 to 34 (4.6%), and at least four times higher than any other age group of women or men (Table 4). This is consistent with the 2018 SSPPS, which found that the prevalence of sexual assault was also highest among women and girls aged 15 to 24 (13%).^Note  Not only that, age remained significantly associated with the likelihood of being a victim of sexual assault, even when other factors were held constant (Model 1).

Among men, the youngest age group, those aged 15 to 24, also recorded a higher prevalence (2.9%) of sexual assault in the past 12 months than any other age group. Unlike what was seen for women, however, age group did not remain a significantly associated factor for men when controlling for other characteristics, with a consistent decline not seen until age 45 and older (Model 1).^Note 

Prevalence of sexual assault higher among Indigenous women and men

First Nations people, Métis, and Inuit—particularly women—face higher levels of many types of violence than non-Indigenous people (Burczycka & Cotter, 2023; Heidinger, 2022; National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls, 2019; Perreault, 2022; Sutton, 2023). Numerous inquiries, studies, and commissions in Canada have identified the historical and ongoing processes of colonization and its related policies, such as the Indian Act, sixties scoop, and residential schools, as the root cause of many social inequalities encountered by Indigenous people, including but not limited to victimization and gender-based violence (National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls, 2019; Truth and Reconciliation Commission, 2015).

This disparity remains evident when it comes to sexual assault, for both women and men. In 2025, 5.7% of Indigenous women were sexually assaulted in the 12 months preceding the survey, almost double the prevalence among non-Indigenous women (3.1%) (Table 4). Likewise, 2.7% of Indigenous men were victims of sexual assault, a proportion that was three times higher than non-Indigenous men (1.0%).

More specifically, in 2025, 6.9% of First Nations women were sexually assaulted, a proportion that was more than double that of non-Indigenous women (3.1%) and First Nations men (3.2%). Among Métis women (4.7%) and Inuit women (5.9%), the difference in prevalence was not statistically different from that for non-Indigenous women. 

No significant difference in prevalence of sexual assault among racialized population groups

The past 12-month prevalence of sexual assault was similar between racialized women (2.7%) and non-racialized, non-Indigenous women (3.2%) (Table 4).^Note  Likewise, among men, there was no difference between racialized (1.0%) and non-racialized populations.

More specifically, the proportion of South Asian (2.8%), Chinese (2.2%), Black (3.1%), and Filipino (2.5%) women who were victims of sexual assault was not statistically different from the non-racialized, non-Indigenous population.^Note 

Sexual assault higher among those born in Canada, but not when controlling for other factors

In 2025, the prevalence of sexual assault was higher among Canadian-born women (3.6%) than among those born outside of Canada (2.1%), an association that remained significant when controlling for other demographic characteristics (Table 4; Model 1).  In contrast, there was no significant difference among men (1.2% and 0.9%, respectively).

The finding of lower victimization rates among the immigrant population is consistent with previous results (Cotter, 2021a; Cotter & Savage, 2019; Ibrahim, 2018). Some research suggests that immigrants may be less likely to disclose victimization for a number of reasons, including language barriers, fear of negative impact on their residence or immigration status, or cultural norms deeming these experiences private (Okeke-Ihejirika et al., 2018; Sisic et al., 2024). On the other hand, other research has found that many indicators (e.g., better health outcomes, lower victimization rates) tend to be more positive among immigrants, before shifting to align closer to the non-immigrant population over time (Xie & Baumer, 2021; Sabina, Cuevas, & Schally, 2012; Vaughn et al., 2014). 

Place of birth may be part of the reason for the similar prevalence observed between the racialized and non-racialized populations. In 2025, 3.8% of racialized people born outside of Canada were victims of physical or sexual assault, compared with 7.3% of Canadian-born racialized people. This pattern held when looking more specifically at gender or type of violence. For instance, 4.9% of Canadian-born racialized women stated that they had been sexually assaulted in the past 12 months, more than double the proportion of racialized women born outside of Canada (2.1%).

Sexual assault more prevalent among those who are gay or bisexual

Sexual orientation is of particular relevance when measuring gender-based violence. Many of the attitudes or beliefs that are associated with gender-based violence, such as sexism, homophobia, or rigid views of gender norms or gender expression, can place those who are not heterosexual at greater risk of various forms of violence.

In 2025, the prevalence of sexual assault was nearly seven times higher among LGB+^Note  men (6.5%) than among heterosexual men (0.7%). Both bisexual (7.0%) and gay (5.8%) men experienced a significantly higher prevalence than what was observed among heterosexual men (0.7%).^Note 

Among women, the same pattern was evident. More specifically, it was the experiences of bisexual women that explained the higher prevalence among LGB+ women. More than one in ten (11%) bisexual women were sexually assaulted in the 12 months preceding the survey. This was well above the proportions among heterosexual (2.6%) or lesbian (3.9%) women.^Note 

The association between sexual orientation and sexual assault remained significant, even when controlling for other demographic characteristics (Model 1). This was the case for both women and men. In particular, the likelihood of being sexually assaulted was close to seven times higher for LGB+ men than for heterosexual men (Model 1).

Persons with a disability record higher prevalence of sexual assault

Research and data on victimization in Canada has consistently found that disability of any type is associated with a higher prevalence of all forms of violent victimization (Cotter, 2018; Savage, 2021). Not only do risk and prevalence levels tend to be higher, but the impacts and consequences of victimization can also be heightened (Dembo et al., 2018).

The prevalence of sexual assault was higher among people identifying as a person with a disability^Note  when compared with those who did not—roughly twice as high among women (5.5% versus 2.8%) and men (2.2% versus 0.9%). The association between sexual assault and disability remained statistically significant when controlling for other factors as well (Model 1).

Sexual assault most common among those who are single, never married 

In 2025, the prevalence of sexual assault was about five times higher among single women (7.1%) and single men (2.2%) when compared with those who were married or in a common-law relationship (1.5% and 0.5%, respectively). Those who were separated, divorced, or widowed had a prevalence that was in between the two (2.3% among women and 0.9% among men).

Other factors are, in part, related to these findings. For instance, age is significantly associated with a higher prevalence of sexual assault, and the population who is single, never married, is on average younger. In addition, research on intimate partner violence has consistently identified the period following separation as a time of particularly high risk for violence, which may in part explain higher rates among the separated or divorced population (Brownridge, 2006). When controlling for factors known to be associated with victimization, including age, status as an LGB+ person, and others, the association between marital status and sexual assault remained— though when these other factors were considered, the likelihood of sexual assault was highest among the separated, divorced, or widowed population (Model 1).

Individual income is not associated with the likelihood of sexual assault

Income can be related to experiences of violence in multiple ways. For instance, economic hardship can increase stress, which can be a source of conflict; a lower income can be a barrier to those seeking to access services or leave a violent or abusive situation; those with lower income may be more likely to live in a precarious housing situation. On the other hand, an experience of victimization can also itself result in lower income, for example if a person is unable to work due to the impacts of an incident of physical or sexual assault. 

That said, personal income is also linked to other individual characteristics such as age, education, and employment. It can also be associated with broader societal factors, including barriers to educational or employment opportunities among certain population groups which may lead to lower incomes (Uppal & Facette, 2026). For example, in 2025, the prevalence of sexual assault was highest among women and men whose personal income was less than $20,000, when compared with those whose personal income was higher (Table 4). However, when controlling for other demographic characteristics, individual income was not significantly associated with variations in the likelihood of sexual assault for women or for men (Model 1).

Prevalence of sexual assault similar across broad official language minority communities

Living in a minority language community can pose significant challenges, particularly in terms of being able to access appropriate services in the official language of their choice (Pépin-Filion et al., 2024), including but not limited to services related to victimization. In 2025, 3.4% of women whose first official language spoken was English were sexually assaulted, compared with 2.4% of those whose first official language was French.^Note 

Language and community are closely linked; however, in terms of linguistic minority communities, there was no statistically significant difference in past 12-month prevalence between Francophone women living outside of Quebec (2.4%) compared with Anglophone women living in Quebec (3.2%).^{Note  Note} 

Prevalence of physical assault generally higher among men

Unlike sexual assault, which is more prevalent among women, physical assault outside of intimate partner relationships is more common among men (3.7%) than women (2.6%), while within intimate partner relationships, the prevalence was similar (2.5% of men and 2.5% of women). As with sexual assault, however, not all men or women experience physical assault at the same levels. Furthermore, among many groups, the prevalence of physical assault was similar between women and men, despite the overall higher prevalence among men. This is in contrast to sexual assault which, with few exceptions^Note  , was almost always more prevalent among women than men regardless of other characteristics.

Many of the patterns seen with sexual assault also observed for physical assault

Many of the same characteristics that were associated with a higher prevalence and likelihood of sexual assault also had the same relationship with experiences of physical assault (Table 5; Model 2). For instance, as with sexual assault, the prevalence of physical assault is highest among the youngest age groups, those aged 15 to 24 (8.8% among men and 8.5% among women).^Note 

The decline associated with age was more marked among women than men. Among women, the prevalence dropped considerably between those aged 15 to 24 (8.5%) to those aged 25 to 34 (5.2%). Among men, it was to a lesser extent (from 8.8% to 7.1%). Regardless of gender, those aged 55 and older recorded the lowest prevalence.

Indigenous people more likely to be physically assaulted, with no significant difference between women and men

As with sexual assault, the prevalence of physical assault was higher among Indigenous people (9.1%) than among non-Indigenous people (4.2%). Specifically, physical assault was more common among First Nations people (10%), Métis (7.9%), and Inuit (11%) when compared with non-Indigenous people.  

Unlike the overall pattern for physical assault, there was no statistically significant difference in overall prevalence between Indigenous women (8.3%) and Indigenous men (9.8%) in the 12 months preceding the survey. While non-intimate partner physical assault was more prevalent among Indigenous men (7.6%) than Indigenous women (5.3%), there was no significant difference for intimate partner physical assault (5.3% of Indigenous men and 6.3% of Indigenous women).

As with sexual assault, Indigenous identity remained associated with a higher likelihood of physical assault, even when controlling for other factors.

Physical assault more prevalent among the LGB+ population, regardless of gender

About one in ten LGB+ women (11%) and men (9.8%) were physically assaulted in the 12 months preceding the survey, well above the proportions of those who are heterosexual (3.1% of women and 4.9% of men). Notably, unlike sexual assault, where the prevalence was similar between heterosexual and lesbian women, lesbian women were victims of physical assault almost three times more often than heterosexual women (9.1% versus 3.1%). Physical assault was also more common among bisexual women (11%) than among heterosexual women.^Note    

Regardless of whether the physical assault occurred in an intimate partner relationship (6.4% among LGB+ women and 5.2% among LGB+ men) or was committed by a non-intimate partner (8.0% among LGB+ women and 7.8% among LGB+ men), the overall prevalence was similar between women and men.

As with overall trends, few changes in prevalence between 2018 and 2025 among select groups

When looking more specifically at some of the demographic groups with the highest prevalence of physical and sexual assault, there were few changes observed in prevalence between 2018 and 2025 (Chart 6, Chart 7). As was the case at the aggregate level, the prevalence of physical and sexual assault in 2025 was not statistically different from what was recorded in 2018.  

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Among the few exceptions to the general trend, a decline was noted in the proportion of single women who were sexually assaulted in the past 12 months (from 9.5% in 2018 to 7.1% in 2025), and an increase in physical assault among women with a disability (from 5.2% to 6.8%).^Note  Among certain groups of men, there was a downward trend in the prevalence of physical assault: for single men, 9.5% were physically assaulted in 2018 versus 7.4% in 2025. Likewise, for men ages 15 to 24, 12% were physically assaulted in 2018 compared with 8.8% in 2025.

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Characteristics of the most serious incident of non-intimate partner physical and sexual assault

As noted, the SSPPS measures intimate partner and non-intimate partner violence differently. This includes questions about the details of incidents. Intimate partner violence often occurs repeatedly, making it more difficult to identify details of distinct incidents; for this reason, details are asked in reference to all behaviours experienced in the past 12 months.^Note 

In contrast, for non-intimate partner violence, details are asked about incidents of physical and sexual assault. For respondents who were physically or sexually assaulted more than once, they are asked to respond thinking of the most serious incident (i.e., the one that impacted them the most). As a result, incident details may not be representative of all incidents of physical or sexual assault, as they are expected to skew towards more serious experiences. As noted, in 2025, 56% of women and 49% of men who were physically or sexually assaulted were victims in more than one incident in the past 12 months.^Note 

In the section that follows, details are based on the most serious incident of non-intimate partner physical and sexual assault. Details, impacts, and consequences of intimate partner violence will be examined in future Juristat reports.

Physical or sexual assault typically involves a lone perpetrator  

Regardless of gender or type of victimization, more than three-quarters of victims of non-intimate partner violence stated that they were assaulted by a perpetrator acting alone. This was more common among women (86% of those who were sexually assaulted and 85% of those who were physically assaulted) than men (77% and 79%, respectively) (Table 6).

In general, most victims of sexual or physical assault stated that the perpetrator or perpetrators were men. In particular, this was the case for nine in ten (91%) women who were sexually assaulted. Similarly, when it came to physical assault, three-quarters of women (75%) and men (77%) stated the perpetrators were men.

Sexual assault of men was a notable exception to this finding. Similar proportions of men who were victims stated that the perpetrators were men (44%) or women (37%).^Note 

Sexual assault less often perpetrated by a stranger, compared with physical assault

In general, victims of violent crime tend to know the perpetrator, as opposed to being victimized by a stranger, even when excluding intimate partner violence. In 2025, this was particularly the case among victims of sexual assault; more than seven in ten women (73%) and men (74%) were sexually assaulted by someone they knew, such as a friend, acquaintance, family member, or someone they knew from work or school (Table 6).^Note  Despite this, many myths about sexual assault persist, one of which is that “true” sexual assaults are committed by strangers (OFOVC, 2025). This perception has many negative impacts, including the ways in which victims may be treated by police or the criminal justice system if they report their victimization, or the ways in which victims conceptualize their own experiences (OFOVC, 2025; Shaw et al., 2017).     

Non-intimate partner physical assault, in contrast, was more likely to be perpetrated by a stranger. Among men, about half (52%) of those who were physically assaulted said that a stranger was the perpetrator in the most serious incident they experienced. Among women, the proportion was closer to that observed for sexual assault, as two-thirds (67%) were physically assaulted by someone they knew.

Despite an increase in reporting to police, sexual assault continues to be underreported relative to other types of violent crime

Self-reported surveys have consistently shown that a small proportion of sexual assaults come to the attention of police (Cotter, 2021a; Conroy & Cotter, 2017). Data from the 2025 SSPPS show that this continues to be the case: 8.6% of victims of sexual assault stated that the most serious incident was reported to police, well below the proportion of victims of physical assault who said the same (28%) (Table 6).

While sexual assault remained considerably less likely to be reported to police, there was an increase in the proportion of the most serious incidents that were reported to police—up from 4.3% in 2018.^Note  In contrast, there was no statistically significant difference in levels of reporting for physical assault (29% in 2018).

The overall increase in the proportion of sexual assaults that came to the attention of police was driven by a change among both men and women who were victims. Among men, 89% of those who were sexually assaulted in 2025 did not report the most serious incident to police, a significantly smaller proportion than in 2018 (98%). Meanwhile, in 2025, 88% of women who were sexually assaulted did not report the most serious incident to police—also marking a decline from 2018 (93%).

In 2025, there was no significant difference between women and men in terms of reporting the most serious sexual assault to police. In 2018, in contrast, the proportion of victims who did not report their most serious incident of sexual assault to police was higher among men than women.

There was no significant change in the proportion of men (30%) or women (25%) who reported the most serious incident of physical assault to police in 2025, when compared with 2018 (30% and 25%, respectively).

Whether or not an incident is reported to police is complex. It may be an individual decision, based on a belief that the incident was not important enough or too minor to warrant reporting.^Note  However, low rates of reporting can also be reflective of barriers that exist and serve to discourage reporting (Johnson, 2017; Lorenz et al., 2021). Victims of sexual assault, in particular, are also more likely to cite factors such as concerns with the police or the criminal justice system more broadly, feelings of shame or embarrassment, fear of not being believed, or not wanting to bring shame or dishonor to their family as reasons for not reporting, when compared to those who were victims of other types of violent crime (Cotter, 2024).

Recently, an investigation into the ways in which victims of sexual assault experience the criminal justice system was conducted by the Office of the Federal Ombudsperson for Victims of Crime (OFOVC, 2025). This report identified numerous barriers to reporting to police, often rooted in social or systemic structures such as the acceptance of myths and stereotypes about sexual violence (OFOVC, 2025). Other factors, such as financial stability (e.g., loss of income from taking time off work to attend justice proceedings) or personal safety (e.g., fear of retaliation) were also identified by many who did not report. It also noted that often, decisions not to report to police are based on lived experience with many of these barriers, such as having reported previous incidents or knowledge of how others have been treated.

About half of victims of sexual assault who reported to police felt it was not worth their time or effort

The SSPPS did not ask victims of physical or sexual assault their reasons for not reporting the most serious incident.^Note  It does, however, ask those who reported or spoke with police about their assault to evaluate how they were treated and how police responded. Approximately seven in ten victims of sexual assault who reported to police said that they were informed about services, programs, or resources (72%^E), were treated with respect (69%^E), and felt as though their report was believed (71%^E) (Table 7).^Note 

Despite that, when evaluating their overall experience, about half felt that speaking to police was not worth the time and effort it took or were satisfied or very satisfied with the way they were treated by police. Perceptions were quite different among those who were physically assaulted and reported to police, with most (64%) stating that reporting was worth their time and effort.

Some evidence suggests that police response to sexual assault has improved in recent years, with a larger proportion of victims who report feeling believed and being informed about updates to their case (OFOVC, 2025). In part, this may also be related to broader social changes in the way police respond to and record incidents of sexual assault (Rotenberg & Cotter, 2018).

In reference to the most serious incident of non-intimate partner sexual assault, the most common action taken by police was to make a report or conduct an investigation (59%^E). A smaller proportion of victims stated that police visited the scene (33%^E), laid charges against the offender (31%^E), arrested the offender (26%^E), or gave a warning to the offender (21%^E). One in seven (14%^E) victims who reported the most serious incident of sexual assault to police said that no action was taken.

The actions taken by police in incidents of physical assault were largely similar, with one exception: about half (51%) of respondents said that police visited the scene of the incident, higher than the proportion among those who reported a sexual assault to police (33%^E).

One in three women felt blamed for their own victimization, with more women feeling blamed for sexual assault compared with 2018  

Many victims of crime face additional trauma or hardship due to secondary victimization, which results from experiences related to their victimization after the fact, such as through interactions with the criminal justice system, friends or family, or society more broadly (OFOVC, 2025). One way in which this can manifest is through victim-blaming, where people are made to feel at fault for their own victimization. This can include criticizing the victim for their behaviour or appearance, which shifts the responsibility for the violence from the perpetrator—the person committing the violence—to the victim.

One-third of women who were victims of non-intimate partner violence said that someone blamed them or made them feel responsible for their own victimization, a proportion that was similar for both sexual assault (32%) and physical assault (32%). Notably, in 2018, a smaller proportion of women (20%) stated that they felt blamed for their own sexual assault, while there was no significant change for physical assault (32%). 

Men also commonly felt blame for their own sexual victimization; this was reported by 27% of men who were victims of sexual assault, not statistically different from the proportion among women who were sexually assaulted. One in five (22%) men felt blamed for their own physical assault, lower than the proportion among women who were physically assaulted.^Note  Among men, there were no significant changes in the proportion who felt blamed for their victimization from 2018.

Among those who felt blamed for their own sexual assault, about six in ten said it was the person or persons who committed the violence who made them feel that way (61% of women and 59% of men), while about one-third (34%) said it was family or friends.^Note  Smaller proportions identified police (6%) or victims’ services (4%) as the source of the blame.^{Note  Note} 

A minority of victims of sexual or physical assault use or consult victims’ services

Though the SSPPS measures the details, impacts, and consequences of the most serious incident of non-intimate partner victimization only, the results still show that most victims of physical and sexual assault did not use or contact victims’ services as a result. There was a notable difference when looking at use of services, gender, and type of victimization. Women who were sexually assaulted were slightly less likely than those who were physically assaulted to contact or use victims’ services (17% versus 22%). The opposite trend was seen among men; a higher proportion of those who were sexually assaulted reached out to a victims’ service, compared with those who were physically assaulted (16% versus 10%) (Table 6).

For both women and men, the proportion who used or consulted a victims’ service for an incident of physical assault was not statistically different from 2018. For sexual assault, in comparison, the proportion of victims who consulted or used a service was twice as high in 2025 (17%) as in 2018 (7.0%). Among women in particular, the proportion increased from 9% to 17%.^Note   

While most victims of physical or sexual assault did not use or consult victims’ services, those who did often reported positive outcomes as a result. The most common outcome was that the service helped with physical or mental health and well-being. This was cited by about three-quarters of women who accessed services following a sexual assault (78%) or a physical assault (71%) and was also the most common reason for men who were physically assaulted (68%). While it was still the most common outcome cited by men who accessed services following a sexual assault, the proportion was notably lower (47%).^Note 

Not wanting or needing help, or a belief that the incident was too minor, are the most common reasons for not using victims’ services

Regardless of gender and type of victimization, those who did not use or consult victims’ services most commonly stated that they did not access services because they didn’t want or need help, or they felt that the incident was too minor. For example, about half of those who were sexually assaulted (48% of women and 48% of men) or physically assaulted (47% of women and 51% of men) said that they did not want or need help.

That said, there were some important differences. For example, those who did not consult services for the most serious incident of sexual assault were more likely to cite shame or embarrassment or a feeling that they would not be believed than was the case for victims of physical assault.

A small proportion of victims did not use or consult victims’ services for reasons that suggest it was not due to a personal choice, but rather a barrier, such as distance or capacity.^Note  Of all victims of physical or sexual assault who did not consult services, 2% said it was because none were available, 1% said it was due to a waitlist, and 0.5% said it was due to the distance from the nearest available service.^Note 

Despite the relatively low levels of accessing victims’ services, most of those who were physically or sexually assaulted did talk to someone for support. Victims of sexual assault most commonly turned to a friend or neighbour (52% of women and 48% of men), followed by a family member (35% of women and 23% of men).^Note  Those who were physically assaulted, in contrast, most often turned to a family member (50% of women and 47% of men), followed by a friend or neighbour (44% of women and 38% of men).^Note 

Overall, 68% of men and 77% of women who were sexually assaulted talked to someone about the assault, proportions that were not statistically different. Likewise, men and women who were physically assaulted were equally likely to turn to someone for support (78% and 82%, respectively).

Most incidents of physical and sexual assault did not involve weapons or physical injury  

A minority of victims were physically injured as a result of the most serious incident they experienced. For both women and men, physical injuries were about twice as common in incidents of physical assault than sexual assault. One-quarter (25%) of women were physically injured in the most serious incident of physical assault, compared with 16% who were physically injured in a sexual assault. Among men, these proportions were 23% and 9.6%, respectively (Table 6).

Similarly, most victims said that the most serious incident they experienced did not involve weapons, but the presence of a weapon was more common in physical assaults than in sexual assaults. For instance, 31% of men said that, in the most serious physical assault, the perpetrator had a weapon, about twice as high as the proportion among women (16%). In contrast, for sexual assault, 5.6% of men and 3.2% of women said the perpetrator had a weapon, a difference that was not statistically significant.^Note 

Notably, men who were physically assaulted in 2025 were more likely than those in 2018 to state that the most serious incident involved a weapon (31% versus 23%). There were no statistically significant differences in the proportions among those who were sexually assaulted or women who were physically assaulted.

Both sexual and physical assault result in negative emotional consequences for a higher proportion of women than men

Regardless of the type of assault, more women than men stated that they were emotionally impacted by the incident. More than six in ten women who were sexually (64%) or physically assaulted (63%) stated that the incident impacted them emotionally, compared with 49% and 40% of men, respectively (Table 6). Notably, men who were sexually assaulted were more likely to report that the most serious incident resulted in a negative emotional impact than men who were physically assaulted; in contrast, among women the likelihood of negative emotional impact was similar with both types of assault.

More severe and longer-lasting emotional impacts were also relatively common among those who were assaulted. Three in ten women—regardless of whether they were sexually assaulted (29%) or physically assaulted (32%)—reported three or more longer-term emotional impacts because of the most serious incident they experienced. This is consistent with suspected post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD).^Note  Among men, 24% of those who were sexually assaulted had three or more longer-term emotional impacts, consistent with a suspicion of PTSD, not significantly different from women who were sexually assaulted. In contrast, physical assault less often resulted in impacts consistent with PTSD for men (16%).  

More than 4 in 10 people living in Canada have been physically or sexually assaulted in their lifetime

In addition to asking about experiences of violence in the 12 months prior to the survey, the SSPPS also asks about experiences of violence across the life course, since the age of 15. Nearly 15 million people living in Canada have been physically or sexually assaulted since the age of 15, representing 44% of the population 15 years of age and older. This proportion was similar to what was noted in 2018, when the SSPPS was last conducted (42%).

Unlike what was seen when looking only at the past 12 months, the lifetime prevalence of violent victimization was higher among women (48%) than men (39%) (Table 1). This was due to sexual assault being far more common among women (37%, versus 11% among men). The lifetime prevalence of physical assault, on the other hand, was similar (37% among both women and men). For women in particular, intimate partner violence (IPV) figured prominently in their lifetime experiences of victimization (see Text box 2). More than one-quarter (28%) of women had experienced violence by an intimate partner, compared to 16% of men.  Physical assault by an intimate partner was more common among women (24% versus 15%), as was sexual assault by an intimate partner (16% versus 3%).

Women were also more likely than men to have experienced multiple forms of victimization since the age of 15: 26% were victims of both physical and sexual assault, compared with 9% of men.^Note  Experiencing a single form of victimization differed according to gender: more women (11%) than men (2%) had experienced solely sexual assault in their lifetime, while more men (27%) than women (10%) had experienced solely physical assault, when including both intimate partner and non-intimate partner violence.

Most of the patterns seen between demographic characteristics and victimization were observed for both previous-year and lifetime victimization. For example, a lower proportion of women who were members of racialized groups (23%) or born outside of Canada (24%) had experienced sexual assault in their lifetime, compared to their non-racialized (41%) and Canadian-born (42%) counterparts (Table 8).

Notably, some sociodemographic characteristics—such as place of birth—do not change over a person’s lifetime. Others, such as income or disability, can shift over time. Lifetime prevalence is based on the responses provided to the 2025 survey, and may not reflect characteristics at the time of all incidents experienced since age 15.

Higher prevalence of lifetime sexual assault among Indigenous women and men

While patterns of lifetime victimization followed what was seen with data covering the 12 months prior to the survey, some demographic groups experienced especially high prevalence of sexual assault over their lives. This included Indigenous women, among whom over half (52%) had been sexually assaulted, including 53% of First Nations women, 51% of Métis women, and 52% of Inuit women.^Note  In comparison, 37% of non-Indigenous women had experienced sexual assault since age 15 (Table 8).

Two-thirds of bisexual women experience sexual assault in their lifetime

Lifetime sexual assault among LGB+ people was also particularly high (52%), including 61% of women and 38% of men in this group (Table 8). Among LGB+ women, bisexual women had an especially high prevalence of sexual assault over their lifetimes, with two-thirds (66%) having been victimized this way.

Prevalence of lifetime sexual assault highest among those aged 25 to 34

Because older individuals have had more years over which to accumulate various experiences, it could be expected that the lifetime prevalence of victimization would be lowest among younger people. Indeed, data from the 2025 SSPPS show that lifetime experiences of sexual assault were lowest among those aged 15 to 24 (21%) (Table 8). However, instead of a steady increase in prevalence from the younger age groups to the older, lifetime experiences of sexual assault peaked with people aged 25 to 34 (32%). This was the case among women, where almost half (49%) of women aged 25 to 34 reported having been sexually assaulted in their lifetime. Among men, 17% of those in this age group had experienced sexual assault, a proportion higher than with all other age groups of men except those aged 35 to 44 (from whom no significant difference in prevalence was noted, 14%).

Lifetime physical assault prevalence lower among immigrants and racialized people, higher among Indigenous and LGB+ people

For most sociodemographic characteristics measured by the 2025 SSPPS, patterns of lifetime physical assault largely mirrored patterns seen with peoples’ experiences in the 12 months preceding the survey (Table 9). For example, lifetime prevalence of physical assault was lower among members of racialized populations (25%) and immigrants (27%) compared to non-racialized (40%) and Canadian-born (41%) people—a pattern similar to what was noted when looking at both the 12-month prevalence of physical assault, and at sexual assault since age 15.

Lifetime physical assault more common among Indigenous women than Indigenous men

The same groups who experienced particularly high prevalence of sexual assault over their lifetimes also experienced high levels of physical assault. This included Indigenous people (55%), among whom women (57%) were more likely to experience lifetime physical assault than men (52%) (Table 9). This was the opposite of what was seen among non-Indigenous people, where the prevalence was similar between men and women (both 36%). More than half of all First Nations people (56%), Métis (55%), and Inuit (53%) had been physically assaulted in their lifetime.^Note 

Lifetime experiences of physical assault were also more common among LGB+ women (58%) and men (54%). About half (52%) of persons with a disability had been physically assaulted in their lifetime, with the prevalence being higher among women (55%, versus 49% of men).

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Experiences of unwanted behaviours in public

 Assault and other criminal forms of violence represent part of the continuum of gender-based violence. Other behaviours, while not rising to the criminal threshold, can still impact the extent to which individuals can freely engage and participate in various social settings. Furthermore, many of the same characteristics that are associated with increased prevalence or risk of criminal forms of gender-based violence also increase the likelihood of experiencing non-criminal forms.

The 2025 SSPPS asked about experiences of eight behaviours in three distinct settings: at work, at school, and in public.^Note  The behaviours measured were inappropriate sexual jokes, unwanted sexual attention, unwanted physical contact, suggestions that someone does not act like someone of that gender is supposed to act, being insulted, mistreated, ignored, or excluded due to (actual or assumed) gender, sexual orientation, or gender identity, and indecent exposure.

This analysis focuses on experiences in the past 12 months when in public places; that is, anywhere people are able to access with little or no restriction, such as streets, businesses, public transportation, bars, or restaurants. Some information on experiences specific to work and school settings is presented in Text box 6.

One in five women experienced unwanted sexual behaviour in public

When looking specifically at public spaces, 15% of the population 15 years of age and older experienced at least one form of unwanted sexual behaviour measured by the SSPPS in the 12 months preceding the survey (Table 10). The prevalence was nearly three times higher among women (22%) than men (8%). In addition to the prevalence being higher among women than men, so too was the frequency. Among those who experienced an unwanted behaviour in public, 60% of women and 54% of men said that they experienced at least one behaviour three or more times. 

Of the eight behaviours measured by the survey, seven were more prevalent among women than men, with the largest gender gap seen for experiences of unwanted sexual attention (14% versus 2%). The lone exception was being insulted, mistreated, ignored, or excluded due to sexual orientation, which was equally likely among women (1.8%) and men (1.6%).

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As with physical and sexual assault, the prevalence of unwanted behaviours in public varied considerably depending on demographic and socio-economic characteristics (Table 11). More often than not, the patterns observed were similar to those seen for sexual assault, reinforcing the notion that many of the underlying motivations and structural factors are present for gender-based violence in general, regardless of whether an act or behaviour meets the criminal threshold.

For instance, age, which increased the likelihood of both physical and sexual assault, was also associated with a higher prevalence of unwanted behaviours in public. In particular, 39% of women between the ages of 15 and 24 and 36% of those aged 25 to 34 experienced unwanted behaviour in public. Even as prevalence declined with age, women remained more likely than men to experience these behaviours; almost one in five (18%) women aged 45 to 54 experienced unwanted behaviour in public, which was higher than the prevalence among even the most at-risk age groups of men (13% each among those 15 to 24 and 25 to 34).

More than one in five (22%) Indigenous people experienced unwanted behaviour in public, compared with 14% of the non-Indigenous population (Table 11). This pattern was seen for both Indigenous women (31% versus 21%) and Indigenous men (13% versus 8%). That said, the association did not remain significant for women or for men when controlling for other characteristics (Model 3).

While overall, those belonging to a racialized population group were less likely to have experienced unwanted behaviours in public, there were some exceptions when looking more specifically at different groups. More than one in five Arab (21%) and Latin American (24%) women experienced unwanted behaviours in public, higher than the proportion for racialized women overall (16%) and similar to the proportion of non-Indigenous, non-racialized women (23%).

Self-identification as a person with a disability was, like violent victimization, also associated with a higher prevalence of unwanted behaviour in public. This was the case for both women (31% versus 20%) and men (15% versus 7%). Disability was associated with a higher probability of experiencing unwanted behaviours when controlling for other factors as well. 

Among the demographic characteristics examined in this analysis, sexual orientation was associated with the highest prevalence of unwanted behaviour in public. More than four in ten (45%) LGB+ individuals—including 53% of LGB+ women and 32% of LGB+ men—experienced unwanted behaviour in public in the 12 months preceding the survey, three times higher than the proportion among heterosexual people (12%). Sexual orientation remained a significant factor when controlling for other characteristics as well, particularly among men (Model 3).

In addition to demographic characteristics, unwanted behaviours in public places were more common among those living in urban areas. For instance, 22% of women living in urban areas experienced at least one unwanted behaviour in public in the past 12 months, compared with 18% of women in rural areas. Women in urban areas were also slightly more likely to have experienced three or more instances (61%) than those living in rural areas (57%).

Strangers are most common perpetrators of unwanted behaviours in public

As would be expected, given the nature of public spaces, nearly three-quarters (73%) of those who experienced unwanted behaviours in public said that a stranger was responsible. Women (77%) were more likely than men (59%) to state that the perpetrator was a stranger. In particular, almost nine in ten women aged 15 to 24 (85%) or 25 to 34 (85%) stated that a stranger was the perpetrator. In contrast, an acquaintance (19%) or a friend (16%) were more often identified by men than by women (15% and 7%, respectively).

Unwanted behaviours also differed from criminal forms of gender-based violence in terms of the number of perpetrators. While sexual and physical assault most often involved a lone offender, those who experienced unwanted behaviours in public were equally likely to state that one (48%) or multiple (50%) people were responsible. Women (50%) and men (49%) were equally likely to say that there were multiple perpetrators.

Unwanted behaviours occur in many public places, but most commonly on the sidewalk or street

Experiences of unwanted behaviours occurred in many public places. Overall, half of women (50%) said that at least one of the behaviours they experienced was on a sidewalk, street, or highway, the most common location among women. This was followed by a restaurant or bar (35%) or another commercial location (32%).^Note  Among men, the most common locations were a restaurant or bar (33%) or the street or sidewalk (33%).

Recently, a number of jurisdictions across Canada have seen considerable increases in the number of police-reported transit-related crimes (Lindsay, 2025). Experiences of violence, harassment, or other unwanted behaviours while using or waiting for public transit can influence decisions about how and when to commute, with negative impacts on individuals and commuters more generally (Ceccato et al., 2022; Ison et al., 2024).  In 2025, one in four (25%) of those who experienced unwanted behaviours said at least one instance occurred on public transit, with a higher proportion among women (27%) than men (21%). As may be expected, this was also largely an urban experience; public transit was cited as the location of at least one behaviour by 28% of urban residents, compared with 11% of those in rural areas.

The location of unwanted behaviours also varied by age. For example, more than four in ten (41%) women and girls aged 15 to 24 experienced at least one unwanted behaviour on public transit, a proportion that declined to 32% among those 25 to 34 and 21% among those aged 35 to 44.

Two-thirds of women and half of men negatively impacted by unwanted experiences in public

Unwanted behaviours were commonly associated with negative impacts among those who experienced them. Overall, two-thirds (67%) of women and half (51%) of men identified at least one negative impact as a result of the behaviours they experienced. Most commonly, those who experienced unwanted behaviours stated that they avoided people or situations (34%), avoided certain places (30%), and had negative emotional and psychological consequences (28%) as a result.

Each of the specific behavioural changes or consequences measured by the survey were more commonly cited by women than men, with one exception. Women (13%) and men (15%) were equally likely to state that they became withdrawn from social events or activities they typically enjoyed because of unwanted behaviours they experienced.

Part of the difference in impact between women and men was due to the increased frequency among women, as those who had more frequent experiences of unwanted behaviours in public were more likely to have changed their behaviour as a result. Three-quarters (76%) of women who experienced unwanted behaviour three or more times changed their own behaviour in public as a result, compared with 55% of women who faced unwanted behaviour once or twice. Among men, the proportions were 57% and 43%, respectively.

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Experiences of violence associated with lower life satisfaction, poorer health

Differences in prevalence—over the past 12 months and since the age of 15—as well as specific outcomes of victimization reveal a number of important similarities, and differences, based on the type of assault, gender, and other characteristics. Another way to examine the impact of violence, beyond looking at the immediate consequences tied directly to the incidents themselves, is to look at more general measures, such as self-reported health and life satisfaction. While direct causal links cannot be made between victimization and these measures, there are clear relationships.

Experiences of victimization are associated with poorer self-rated mental health, in particular. Among women, for instance, half of those who were sexually assaulted (50%) or physically assaulted (51%) rated their mental health as fair or poor. In contrast, about one in five women who were not sexually assaulted (19%) or not physically assaulted (19%) in the 12 months preceding the survey rated their mental health as fair or poor (Chart 10). Likewise, those who experienced unwanted behaviour in public were significantly more likely to rate their mental health as fair or poor.

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Similarly, those who were sexually assaulted, physically assaulted, or experienced unwanted behaviour in public were less likely to be very satisfied^Note  with their life, when compared to those who did not experience any of these forms of violence (Chart 11).

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This pattern was apparent regardless of gender and type of violence or behaviour experienced. However, among women, experiences of sexual and physical assault appeared to have a greater impact on mental health and life satisfaction; while the gap was still evident among women who experienced unwanted behaviours in public, it was smaller. Among men, in contrast, those who were sexually assaulted had the lowest levels of mental health and life satisfaction; those who were physically assaulted or experienced unwanted behaviours in public had comparable outcomes.

Cognitive and mental-health related conditions more prevalent among those who have been victimized

Experiences of victimization were also associated with a number of longer-term health outcomes. Many conditions or difficulties have been identified as having a relationship with victimization, whether as an outcome of being victimized, a risk factor for victimization, or both (Burczycka, 2018; Cotter, 2018). This is particularly the case when it comes to conditions or difficulties related to cognition and mental health (Burczycka, 2018).

Data from the SSPPS cannot identify whether the presence of a long-term condition existed prior to victimization or if it was caused or worsened by having been victimized. That said, when looking at the presence of various conditions, many were more common among those who reported an experience of physical or sexual assault in the previous 12 months (Chart 12).

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In particular, for both women and men, mental health-related conditions and cognitive difficulties were more common among those who had been physically or sexually assaulted in the 12 months preceding the survey, when compared with those who had not. The proportion of women who were victimized and faced a mental health-related condition (56%) or a cognitive difficulty (37%) was more than double that among those who were not victimized (25% and 17%, respectively). The same was true among men, with mental health (37%) and cognitive (31%) difficulties being twice as prevalent among victims of violence as among those who were not (15% and 14%, respectively).

Summary

Gender-based violence encompasses a wide range of behaviours and can occur in numerous contexts. The 2025 Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces (SSPPS) provides the most current data on the prevalence and nature of gender-based violence in Canada.

According to the 2025 SSPPS, the prevalence of violent victimization—physical and sexual assault—was similar to 2018, when the SSPPS was first collected. While the overall prevalence was similar between women and men, a closer examination shows that sexual assault is more prevalent among women, while physical assault is more prevalent among men, driven by a higher proportion of men who are physically assaulted outside of the context of an intimate partner relationship.

There were few statistically significant changes in the prevalence of victimization between 2018 and 2025, as the overall prevalence remained stable. For women, the prevalence of intimate partner sexual assault and non-intimate partner physical assault increased, while non-intimate partner sexual assault declined. Among men, intimate partner physical assault declined. Further, the prevalence was unchanged between 2018 and 2025 for many groups at higher risk of violence, such as Indigenous people, young people, and the LGB+ population.

Despite the fact that physical and sexual assault have very different gender profiles, many characteristics that are associated with the likelihood of being a victim are shared between the two types of violent victimization. Among the demographic characteristics examined in this analysis, age, sexual orientation, Indigenous identity, and identifying as a person with a disability were all significantly associated with a higher likelihood of being a victim of physical or sexual assault, even when controlling for other factors.

Beyond differences in prevalence, the characteristics and impacts of physical and sexual assault differed in many ways, highlighting another way in which the experiences of women and men may differ when it comes to violence. For example, while the majority of physical assaults were committed by a stranger, a perpetrator known to the victim was more common among women than men who were physically assaulted. When it came to both physical and sexual violence, women were more likely to experience negative impacts on their mental health and well-being.

In addition to physical and sexual violence which meets the criminal threshold, the 2025 SSPPS also measured peoples’ experiences of unwanted behaviours. Women were more likely than men to have experienced some form of unwanted behaviour while in a public place in 2025, with the most common type being unwanted sexual attention. The prevalence of sexual assault, physical assault, and unwanted behaviours in public was consistently higher among certain groups of the population: youth and young adults, Indigenous people, lesbian, gay, and bisexual people, and those who identified as a person with a disability.

This analysis presents some of the broad, overarching findings from the 2025 SSPPS, but does not fully cover the breadth and depth of experiences of violence and unwanted behaviours. Future analysis can focus on specific populations or specific types of violence to further respond to data gaps and information needs for the development of adequate supports, programs, and policies for victims of violence in Canada.

Detailed data tables

Table 1 Violent victimization since age 15 and in the past 12 months, by type of victimization and gender of victim, 2025

Table 2 Experiences of intimate partner violence since age 15 and in the past 12 months, by type of victimization and gender of victim, 2025

Table 3 Violent victimization in the past 12 months, by gender and province or territory of residence, 2025

Table 4 Sexual assault in the past 12 months, by gender and selected characteristics of the victim, 2025

Table 5 Physical assault in the past 12 months, by gender and selected characteristics of the victim, 2025

Table 6 Characteristics of the most serious incident, by type of victimization and gender of victim, Canada, 2025

Table 7 Perceptions of interactions with police and action taken by police, by type of victimization, Canada, 2025

Table 8 Sexual assault since the age of 15, by gender and selected characteristics of the victim, 2025

Table 9 Physical assault since the age of 15, by gender and selected characteristics of the victim, 2025

Table 10 Experiences of unwanted behaviour in public and online, by type of behaviour and gender, 2025

Table 11 Unwanted behaviour in public in the past 12 months, by gender and selected characteristics of the victim, 2025

Model 1 Logistic regression: Sexual assault in the past 12 months, 2025

Model 2 Logistic regression: Physical assault in the past 12 months, 2025

Model 3 Logistic regression: Unwanted behaviours in public places in the past 12 months, 2025

Survey description

In 2024-2025, Statistics Canada conducted the second cycle of the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces (SSPPS). The SSPPS was previously collected in 2018. The purpose of the survey is to collect information on Canadians’ experiences in public, at work, online, and in their intimate partner relationships.

The target population for the SSPPS included all persons 15 years of age and older in Canada, excluding full-time residents of institutions and residents of First Nations reserves. The 2025 SSPPS is a sample survey with a cross-sectional design. The survey in the provinces also now uses a targeted respondent approach, meaning a sample of persons is directly selected from the survey frame. The survey frame for the SSPPS in the territories is an area frame of dwellings constructed for the Labour Force Survey (LFS). The sample of selected dwellings was sent to the field for collection. Upon contact with a resident of the selected dwelling, one household member 15 years of age and older was randomly selected to complete the SSPPS questionnaire.

In the provinces, data collection took place from October 2024 to June 2025 inclusively. Responses were obtained by self-administered online questionnaire or by interviewer-administered telephone questionnaire. Respondents were able to respond in the official language of their choice. The final sample size for the 10 provinces was 46,511 respondents. The response rate in the provinces was 32.3%, down from 43.1% in 2018.

In the territories, data collection took place from January to July 2025 inclusively. Responses were obtained by self-administered online questionnaire or by interviewer-administered in-person questionnaire. Respondents were able to respond in the official language of their choice. The final sample size for the 3 territories was 2,036 respondents. The response rate in the territories was 53.1%, down from 73.2% in 2018.

Non-respondents included people who refused to participate, could not be reached, or could not speak English or French. Respondents in the sample were weighted so that their responses represent the non-institutionalized, off-reserve Canadian population aged 15 and older.

Data limitations

As with any household survey, there are some data limitations. The results are based on a sample and are therefore subject to sampling errors. Somewhat different results might have been obtained if the entire population had been surveyed.

For the quality of estimates, the lower and upper bounds of the confidence intervals are presented. Confidence intervals should be interpreted as follows: If the survey were repeated many times, then 95% of the time (or 19 times out of 20), the confidence interval would cover the true population value.

Caution should be exercised when interpreting results, such as weighted frequencies or percentages, for the Inuit population within the provinces in 2025. Even if the number of respondents for this subpopulation is sufficient to meet quality guidelines, there is still a concern regarding the quality of the data as bias might subsist after the weighting process. Note that this concern only applies to the Inuit population in the provinces and not in the territories. Estimates for Inuit in 2018 are largely reflective of the population living in the territories. Estimates for Inuit in the provinces for 2018 are not releasable due to sample size and data quality.

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