Police contacts and sociodemographic characteristics of persons accused of gender-related homicide in Canada, 2009 to 2022

Eliminating violence against women and girls and its most extreme manifestation—gender-related homicide—remains a top priority among advocates, researchers, organizations, and governments alike (CFOJA, 2025; Government of Canada, 2022; UNODC, 2024; UN Women, 2015). Despite notable progress in prevention and response efforts, in 2023, more than 51,000 women and girls were killed by an intimate partner or family member worldwide, representing six in every ten female homicides (UNODC, 2024). Since gender-related homicides are often the culmination of repeated incidents of violence (Campbell et al., 2009; Office of Chief Coroner, 2024; UNODC, 2024), many can be prevented with timely intervention. However, others require longer-term prevention strategies that target the root causes of gender-based violence (Baldry & Magalhães, 2017; UNODC, 2024).^Note 

Factors at the individual, interpersonal, community or societal level can independently or in combination increase the risk of gender-related homicide of women and girls. Common correlates include, but are not limited to, gender inequality, harmful social norms and misogynist values, a history of intimate partner violence, perpetrator unemployment, access to firearms in the home, a history of mental illness and substance use (Campbell et al., 2009; UNODC, 2024; UN Women, 2015; WHO, 2012). The goal of this Juristat article is to present data on the characteristics of persons accused of a gender-related homicide to better understand this crime in a Canadian context, whether the characteristics differ from those who commit other types of homicide and to highlight potential areas of prevention and intervention.  

Research has shown that most homicide offenders have some prior contact with police (Caman et al., 2016; Roberts et al., 2007) therefore the criminal justice system provides a unique space whereby interventions can occur and exploring these would help to enhance prevention methods. However, identifying other institutions and systems (e.g., health care, education) in which intervention can occur is also relevant since those accused of gender-related violence do not always have previous contacts with the criminal justice system.

This Juristat article draws on multiple linked data files to examine prior and subsequent police contact, alongside demographic and socioeconomic characteristics, of those accused of a gender-related homicide in Canada. Section 1 presents a brief overview of demographic information collected by the Homicide Survey to provide a foundation on which the linkage analyses will build. Section 2 examines patterns of police contact among persons accused of gender-related homicide using a data file linking the Homicide Survey to the Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) Survey. Section 3 presents data on several sociodemographic and economic factors by linking data from the Homicide Survey with education, immigration, tax and health records.

This article was produced with funding support from Women and Gender Equality Canada.

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Section 1: Demographic information of persons accused of a gender-related homicide

From 2009 to 2022, police reported 2,383 homicides of women and girls in Canada.^Note  Of these homicides, one in ten (10%, n=241) were not cleared, meaning the homicide was still under investigation or there was insufficient evidence to proceed with criminal charges. A man or boy was accused in nearly nine out of every ten (88%) cleared homicides, while 12% were allegedly perpetrated by a woman or girl.

Of all solved homicides of women and girls committed by a man or boy accused, close to eight in ten (78%) are gender-related; that is, homicides committed by an intimate partner or a family member, involved victims who had experienced sexual violence as part of the killing or who were identified by police as sex workers. In total, between 2009 and 2022, 1,453 women and girls were victims of gender-related homicide in Canada, which averages to about 104 women and girls per year.

Of the 1,453 gender-related homicides of women and girls, two-thirds (66%, n=959) shared an intimate relationship with their accused, 27% (n=395) were family members of the accused and 7% (n=96) shared another type of relationship (i.e., 3% acquaintance, 3% friend, 1% stranger) with the accused.^Note  Six percent (n=82) of all gender-related homicide victims were identified by police as a sex worker,^Note  and 5% (n=74) involved evidence of sexual violence.^Note  These victims were killed in 1,391 incidents, which involved 1,391 primary accused persons.^Note  Based on the definition of a gender-related homicide used in this article, all persons accused in these incidents were men or boys. A total of 1,328 of these accused records were included in the file linking Homicide Survey and UCR Survey data. The remainder of this Juristat article focuses on these unique accused.

There are certain characteristics common among the 1,328 persons accused of a gender-related homicide that differentiate them from those accused of a non-gender-related homicide (Table 1). Specifically, these accused were older—by an average of nine years—less likely to have consumed drugs or alcohol at the time of the offence, had less extensive reported criminal histories,^Note  were more often suspected by police of having a mental health or developmental disorder^Note  and a higher proportion died by suicide compared to persons accused of a non-gender-related homicide.

Between 2009 and 2022, the average police-reported rate of perpetrating gender-related homicide was 0.53 per 100,000 men and boys in Canada. The rate was highest in the territories (3.86 per 100,000 men and boys).^Note  For the provinces, the highest rate per 100,000 men and boys accused of gender-related homicide was in Saskatchewan (0.91), followed by Manitoba (0.89) and Alberta (0.66), all of which were above the national rate. Aligned with previous Canadian data noting higher rates of violence in rural compared to urban areas (David & Jaffray, 2022; Perreault, 2023), from 2009 to 2022, the average rate of perpetrating gender-related homicide of women and girls in Canada was nearly twice that in rural areas compared to urban areas (0.91 versus 0.46 per 100,000 men and boys). In fact, the rate of perpetrating a gender-related homicide was higher in all provincial and territorial rural areas than what was documented in urban parts of Canada.^Note 

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Section 2: Prior and subsequent police contact among persons accused of gender-related homicide

Prior research has documented that most homicide offenders have been arrested on at least one other occasion prior to committing homicide (Broidy et al., 2006; Eriksson et al., 2023; Roberts et al., 2007). However, criminal backgrounds often vary depending on the type of homicide committed. For example, those who commit an intimate partner homicide are less likely to have previously been arrested, and often have less extensive criminal histories, compared to those who commit other types of homicide (Caman et al., 2016; Eriksson et al., 2023; Kivivuori & Lehti, 2012). These differences may partially be due to the reporting practices of victims. Prior Canadian data have shown that intimate partner violence and sexual assault often go unreported (Conroy, 2021; Cotter, 2021b), and a history of such violence is a common precursor to intimate partner homicide. Therefore, it may be that gender-related homicide accused do have a history of criminality, but for offences that are seldom reported to police and those accused of a non-gender-related homicide participate in crimes more likely to garner police attention.

Current data support these findings; about six in ten (61%) persons accused of a gender-related homicide had at least one other contact with police, either before or after the homicide, compared with about eight in ten (83%) of those accused of a non-gender-related homicide (Chart 1).

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Of those who had at least one other police contact, either before or after the homicide, a greater proportion of gender-related homicide accused had only one other contact (29% versus 13%), slightly more had two to four other contacts (28% versus 21%), and substantially less had five or more other contacts compared to persons accused of a non-gender-related homicide (43% versus 66%).

Among those accused of a gender-related homicide who had five or more contacts (n=352), these persons were responsible for 6,539 incidents, and had a median of 12.5 contacts with police during the study period. In all, these “chronic offenders” comprised 27% of gender-related homicide accused and accounted for 89% of contact incidents. To contrast, those accused of a non-gender-related homicide who had five or more police contacts (n=2,540) comprised 55% of the sample and accounted for 95% of police contacts, with a median of 15.0 contacts during the study period.

Among those accused of a gender-related homicide with prior police contact, more than one in seven occurred within three months of the homicide  

The criminal justice system provides a key intervention opportunity to reduce a specific and common subset of gender-related homicides – those perpetrated by an intimate partner or family member of the victim. Several risk assessment tools (e.g., Spousal Assault Risk Assessment, Ontario Domestic Abuse Risk Assessment, Danger Assessment, Domestic Violence Screening Inventory) have been developed to identify the level of risk a person poses to reoffend violently towards intimate partners, family members or others (Campbell et al., 2009; Department of Justice Canada, 2021; Public Safety Canada, 2011). Results of these assessments can reveal whether a safety plan or other risk management strategies are needed to reduce the risk of harm.

Previous Canadian data have shown that re-contact is most likely to occur within three months of an accused’s initial contact with the criminal justice system (Brennan & Matarazzo, 2016; Ibrahim, 2019; Pedneault et al., 2024). Current data show that of persons accused of a gender-related homicide with at least one previous police contact, more than one in seven (15%) had that contact in the three months prior to the homicide, and nearly one-third (30%) had a prior contact in the year before the homicide (Chart 2). In contrast, a greater proportion of persons accused of a non-gender-related homicide had a prior police contact three months prior (25%) and one year prior (47%) to the homicide.

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Of note, while persons accused of a gender-related homicide tend to have more elapsed time between the homicide and their last police contact compared to those accused of a non-gender-related homicide, the data also show that the last police contact more often involved a violent offence as the most serious violation (42% versus 33%) among persons accused of a gender-related homicide.^Note 

In Canada, the severity of police-reported crime is measured by the Crime Severity Index (CSI). The CSI provides a weight based on the actual sentences handed down by the courts in all provinces and territories; more serious crimes are assigned higher weights, less serious offences lower weights. The average weight of the last police contact prior to the gender-related homicide, as measured by the CSI, was 193 compared to 113 for persons accused of a non-gender-related homicide.^Note 

Those accused of a gender-related homicide often had other police contacts, primarily for other Criminal Code violations and violent crimes

Among the 1,328 persons accused of a gender-related homicide, 810 (61%) had at least one other contact with police, either before or after the homicide. These 810 persons were accused in 7,386 criminal incidents of which most (76%) occurred prior to the gender-related homicide, 20% occurred after and the remaining 3% occurred the same day as the homicide. While not all of these contacts are directly associated with the gender-related homicide, they can nevertheless demonstrate patterns of offending and potential points of intervention.

Of all prior and subsequent police contacts involving men and boys accused of a gender-related homicide, the most serious violation was most often for other Criminal Code violations (34%), followed closely by violent crimes (33%) and property crimes (24%) (Chart 3).

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Physical assault offences, mischief and failure to comply with order or summons were common violations among persons accused of gender-related homicide

When other police contacts had a violent crime recorded as the most serious violation, two-thirds (65%) of incidents involving a gender-related homicide accused were for a physical assault offence (Table 2). Another quarter (25%) were for offences involving violence or the threat of it, most (45%) often for uttering threats. The proportion of gender-related homicide accused who had another police contact related to a sexual violence offence was twice that of non-gender-related homicide accused (5.2% versus 2.4%).

When a property offence was the most serious violation recorded in a police contact incident involving a person accused of a gender-related homicide, more than four in ten (44%) were for mischief (Table 2).^Note  This proportion is substantially larger than what was found for persons accused of a non-gender-related homicide where about one-third (32%) of property crimes were for mischief.  

The next most common property crimes among persons accused of a gender-related homicide were for breaking and entering (15%) and shoplifting (11%). When the police contact pertained to other Criminal Code offences, failure to comply with an order or summons was the most common violation reported (41%), followed by disturbing the peace (22%).

For other police contacts involving a violent offence, physical injury common

Between 2009 and 2022, there were 20,855 police-reported violent crimes with information recorded on victim characteristics, perpetrated by a person who was also accused of a homicide. Of these violent crimes, 2,795 were perpetrated by a person accused of a gender-related homicide. Focusing on these violent crimes, six in ten (59%) involved the victim sustaining a physical injury, most of which were minor (81%),^Note  and the remaining 19% sustained a major injury^Note  (Table 3). These proportions are comparable to what was found for persons accused of a non-gender-related homicide where 57% of victims sustained a physical injury, with minor injuries being more common than major (83% versus 17%).

More than half (56%) of these violent crimes involving a man or boy accused of a gender-related homicide involved physical force alone but an additional 35% involved the presence of a weapon. When a weapon was present, it was most commonly a knife (41%), followed by another type of weapon (33%) and a firearm (19%).

Of prior police contacts involving a violent offence, one in ten (10%) were perpetrated against the same woman or girl who was later killed in the gender-related homicide incident. This percentage was more than 10 times higher than what was found for persons accused of a non-gender-related homicide, where 0.8% of violent crime incidents involved the same homicide victim.

Close to half of all police contacts for violent offences are intimate partner or family-related  

For gender-related homicide accused with other police contacts involving violent crimes, nearly half (44%) involved intimate partner or family violence (Table 3). Specifically, about three in ten (27%) violent crimes were against an intimate partner and 17% against another family member (excluding spouses). When focusing exclusively on the intimate partner/family subset, a different pattern emerged from what was noted above. Specifically, a greater proportion of these crimes involved physical injury (64%) but the presence of a weapon was less common (27%).^Note  One quarter (25%) of all prior contacts involving violent crimes against an intimate partner or family member were perpetrated against the same woman or girl who was later killed in the homicide incident; a proportion which increases to 37% when focusing on intimate partners only.

Notably, a history of intimate partner violence against a female victim is the primary risk factor for intimate partner homicide, where a pattern of repeat offending against the same victim is common (Campbell et al., 2009; Kivivuori & Lehti, 2012; Koppa & Messing, 2021; Office of the Chief Coroner for Ontario, 2024; Thornton, 2016; Vatnar et al., 2022). This high rate of engagement with the criminal justice system provides a crucial opportunity for prevention by assessing and managing risk related to these types of relationships. At the same time, a history of violence is not always documented in police records. To illustrate, Johnson et al. (2019) found that, in the year prior to the homicide, half of the perpetrators in their sample had a history of violence toward their victim, but only a quarter reported legal involvement relating to that violence.

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Section 3: Sociodemographic and socioeconomic characteristics of persons accused of a gender-related homicide

To better understand the sociodemographic and socioeconomic characteristics of persons accused of homicide, this section reports data from a record linkage examining the educational background, immigration status, any previous healthcare contacts, and income of these individuals. Like the approach taken in the previous sections, the focus is on persons accused of a gender-related homicide although comparisons are made to those accused of a non-gender-related homicide when differences are apparent. The analysis included in this section is based on accused persons who linked to the external data sources.

The results presented in this section are not intended to vilify or “other” those who may be part of an already marginalized group but are instead intended to highlight opportunities to prevent and intervene in cases of gender-related homicide in Canada. It is acknowledged that many factors that increase the risk of these homicides occurring are structural in nature and exist at the community level (e.g., high rates of poverty and unemployment, acceptance of traditional gender roles) and societal level (e.g., gender inequality, misogynist values, as well as harmful societal norms, systems, laws and policies), whereas data currently available focus solely on the individual.

Section 3 is organized by the type of data file where the educational background of accused persons is presented first, followed by information on immigration, healthcare contact and income. While not all accused will have a record in each file (e.g., those whose education predated 2009, who were born in Canada, had no healthcare contact during the study period or did not file their taxes within three years prior to the homicide), the information presented is the most complete available.

One-quarter of persons accused of gender-related homicide, whose educational background was known, were enrolled in a bachelor’s degree program or higher

The Postsecondary Student Information System includes annual data of all persons who were enrolled in or graduated from a postsecondary institution in Canada between the academic years of 2009/2010 and 2021/2022. It does not capture the educational records for persons outside that period. Educational records were available for about one-fifth (22%) of all persons accused of a homicide in Canada between 2009 and 2022. Specifically, educational records were available for 19% of persons accused of a gender-related homicide and for 22% of those accused of a non-gender-related homicide. The age of accused may be related to these proportions – about two-thirds (67%) of all homicide accused were aged 25 and older, however postsecondary education is most likely pursued by those aged 18 to 24 (Zeman, 2024).

Of all persons accused of a gender-related homicide where their education background was known, the large majority (82%) had been enrolled in a postsecondary institution at some point during the reference period and 18% had graduated. Of those enrolled, two in five (40%) persons accused of a gender-related homicide were in a non-tertiary education program,^Note  while one-quarter (26%) were in a bachelor’s degree program or higher (Chart 4).

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For persons accused of a non-gender-related homicide where their educational background was known, most (86%) were enrolled in a postsecondary institution between 2009/2010 and 2021/2022 and 14% had graduated. Compared to those accused of a gender-related homicide, a smaller proportion of these accused were enrolled in a bachelor’s level program or above (21%) and most (63%) were instead enrolled in a non-tertiary or upper secondary education program.

In all, a higher proportion of persons accused of a gender-related homicide (26%) were enrolled in a university program compared to those accused of a non-gender-related homicide (21%). While much of the research examining the educational attainment of persons accused of homicide has focused on the proportion which had less than a high school or Grade 8 education, current data tentatively support assertions that a greater proportion of persons accused of a gender-related (or intimate partner) homicide have more formal education than those accused of other types of homicide (Caman et al., 2016; Roberts et al., 2007).

Of linked records, one in six gender-related homicide accused are immigrants and non-permanent residents, lower than their representation in the general population

Some misconceptions exist regarding the criminal threat posed by immigrants (Baranauskas & Stowell, 2022; Pruysers et al., 2024), however, immigrants, refugees and non-permanent residents are no more likely than their Canadian-born peers to commit a criminal act. In fact, research shows that they are more law-abiding and are less likely to engage in criminal behaviour when residing in areas with a large immigrant population (Vaughn & Salas-Wright, 2018; Wortley, 2009). However, given the underreported nature of intimate partner and domestic violence, alongside the additional barriers of accessing formal support systems experienced by immigrant populations, it is informative to examine what proportion of persons accused of a gender-related homicide were born outside of Canada.  

According to information in the Immigrant Landing File and Non-permanent Resident File, which capture information on immigrants^Note  and non-permanent residents^Note  who were admitted into Canada since 1980, one in six (17%) persons accused of a gender-related homicide were immigrants or non-permanent residents. This proportion is slightly lower than that of the general population, where according to 2021 Census data, about one-fifth (21%) of people in Canada are immigrants and non-permanent residents who were admitted since 1980 (Statistics Canada, 2024c).

Of immigrants and non-permanent residents accused of a gender-related homicide, the large majority (92%) were immigrants and less than one in ten (8%) were non-permanent residents. Most had been admitted into Canada since 2000 (55% of immigrants and 100% of non-permanent residents accused of a gender-related homicide).

Around one in six gender-related homicides occur within the first five years of the accused’s admission to Canada

Of immigrants accused of a gender-related homicide, about one in six (16%) occurred within the first five years of their admittance in Canada and close to half (44%) of those were committed within the first year of the accused’s admission.

While immigrants and non-permanent residents are underrepresented among persons accused of a gender-related homicide, they may experience stressors related to the integration process that have a unique impact on family and relationship dynamics. Newcomers (i.e., those who have been in Canada for 5 year or less) may experience social isolation and exclusion, difficulties due to language barriers, socioeconomic hardships, and limited access to resources all while acclimating to a new culture, and new customs and laws (Okeke-Ihejirika et al., 2018; Rossiter et al., 2018). Independently or combined, these factors could heighten the risk of domestic violence and homicide occurring thereby highlighting the importance of programs and supports to assist the integration of new immigrants into Canada to further reduce the risk of violence occurring within the immigrant populations.

Six in ten gender-related homicide accused had at least one admittance to the emergency department in the year preceding the homicide

To determine total prior emergency department visits among persons accused of a gender-related homicide, data from the Discharge Abstract Database (DAD) were merged with data from the National Ambulatory Care Reporting System (NACRS) (see Data sources and methodology). Data on acute inpatient care^Note  were available for 60% (n=796) of persons accused of a gender-related homicide and 66% (n=3,062) of persons accused of a non-gender-related homicide.

Where linked data were available, about six in ten (61%) of all persons accused of a gender-related homicide between 2009 and 2022 were admitted at least once to an emergency department in the year prior to the homicide (Table 4). This figure steadily increased when examining the proportion of visits within two years prior to the homicide (74%) and five years prior to the homicide (85%).

There were 10,233 recorded visits to an emergency department by persons accused of a gender-related homicide. The condition thought to be most responsible for the patient’s hospitalization varied. One quarter (24%) involved factors influencing their health status and contact with health services,^Note  23% were related to mental and behavioural disorders and another 19% for injuries, poisonings and other consequences of external causes. These conditions were also most common among persons accused of a non-gender-related homicide although injuries and poisonings were most common (23%), followed by mental and behavioural disorders (22%) and factors influencing health status (19%).

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Close to two-thirds of gender-related homicide accused claim employment income in their taxes within the three years prior to the homicide

To explore socioeconomic characteristics of persons accused of homicide, the T1 Family File—which contains data primarily from income tax returns submitted to the Canada Revenue Agency—was analyzed. Tax records were available for more than three in four (77%) persons accused of a gender-related homicide and for 63% of those accused of a non-gender-related homicide between 2010 and 2022.^Note  Socioeconomic data are limited to accused who filed their taxes in the three years prior to the homicide; the income associated with the most recent tax year prior to the homicide occurring is selected for analysis.

Of those who filed their taxes between 2009 and 2022, nearly two-thirds (63%) of persons accused of a gender-related homicide claimed employment income in their taxes, higher than the proportion of persons accused of a non-gender-related homicide (51%) (Table 5). Just over one-fifth (22%) had claimed income from social assistance within three years prior to the homicide, lower than those accused of a non-gender-related homicide (32%). The above figures should, however, be interpreted with caution given that the COVID-19 pandemic began during the study period. At the outset of the pandemic, the overall unemployment rate in Canada was higher than average in 2020 and 2021, having more than doubled from around 6% in February 2020 to a high of 14% in April 2020 (Statistics Canada, 2024a).

One-third of persons accused of gender-related homicide may be classified as having low-income

For many Canadians, financial concerns are reported as the greatest source of stress, which can result in poor mental and physical health as well as strain within personal relationships (Government of Canada, 2019). Economic hardship is often the outcome of social, economic and systemic issues that affects some groups (e.g., youth, those living with mental illness or a disability, immigrants, racialized groups, Indigenous people, seniors, single parents, and unattached individuals) disproportionately (Employment and Social Development Canada, 2017). The ongoing housing crisis in Canada, the rising cost of living, as well as barriers in accessing social supports, securing jobs paying a livable wage, and furthering education all exacerbate this hardship and work to keep people living in poverty (Employment and Social Development Canada, 2017).

Economic hardship can also lead to higher rates of perpetrating and being victims of crime and violence (Cotter, 2021a; Santaularia et al., 2022). For example, according to the General Social Survey on Canadians’ Safety (Victimization), in 2019, those who indicated having financial difficulties reported higher rates of violent and household victimization compared to those without such difficulties (Cotter, 2021a). That said, it is unclear whether financial difficulties are a risk factor for victimization or if people experience financial difficulties because they were victimized.

Among persons accused of a gender-related homicide, one-third (34%) were classified having low-income, where their family’s income is less than half the national median income of families with the same size (Table 5).^Note  This figure is higher than what was found among families in the general population (17% of individuals in 2022) (Statistics Canada, 2024b), but lower than the proportion of non-gender-related homicide accused, wherein close to six in ten (58%) were in a low-income situation.^Note 

The relationship between the systemic factors that lead to poverty and crime is cyclical; financial hardship can result in housing and educational barriers, increasing the potential to live in disadvantaged neighbourhoods with higher crime rates and increased police surveillance (Chen et al., 2023). These factors can then lead to the formal detection of criminal behaviour and involvement of the criminal justice system. This involvement, and the resulting challenges associated with having a criminal record, increase the likelihood of unemployment or underemployment and further crime (Aaltonen et al., 2016). While a smaller proportion of persons accused of a gender-related homicide had contact with police compared to those accused of a non-gender-related homicide, 61% did have at least one other contact and the above systemic factors may have played a role.

Summary

There is a substantial body of literature exploring the characteristics of persons accused of homicide. A subset of which seeks to determine whether particular homicide offenders (e.g., those who kill intimate partners or other family members) differ in their characteristics compared to other types of homicide offenders (Caman et al., 2016; Dobash et al., 2004; Felson & Lane, 2010; Kivivuori & Lehti, 2012). Some argue that most homicide offenders share similar characteristics in terms of family background, criminal histories, education, employment and substance use, while others argue that intimate partner and domestic homicide offenders are more “conventional” or similar in their characteristics to the average person.

Using multiple linked data files, this Juristat article examined other police contacts among persons accused of homicide, their educational background (albeit limited based on data availability), immigration, healthcare contacts and socioeconomic background with a specific focus on gender-related homicide. These data showed that persons accused of a gender-related homicide do in fact differ from persons accused of other homicides in many of the characteristics examined.

According to the Homicide Survey, persons accused of a gender-related homicide were older on average, less likely to have consumed substances at the time of the offence, had less extensive known criminal histories, and a higher proportion died by suicide compared to persons accused of a non-gender-related homicide.

The criminal background of persons accused of homicide was further investigated using a linked data file examining prior and subsequent police contacts. These data showed that a greater proportion of gender-related homicide accused did not have any other official contact with police aside from the homicide incident and, of those that did, had fewer contacts than persons accused of a non-gender-related homicide. However, the last police contact prior to the homicide did tend to be more severe; a greater proportion of gender-related homicide accused had committed a violent crime with a higher average crime severity index score than their non-gender-related counterparts. These crimes more often involved the same victim who was later killed in the gender-related homicide incident than what was the case for non-gender-related accused.

Findings from multiple linked data files also demonstrated differences in terms of education, healthcare contacts and socioeconomic backgrounds between the two homicide groups. A greater proportion of persons accused of a gender-related homicide had been enrolled in a university level program between 2009/2010 and 2021/2022. Based on the linked data, most persons accused of a gender-related homicide had been admitted to an emergency department at least once in the five years prior to the homicide, similar to but slightly exceeding what was found for non-gender-related homicide accused. Lastly, while gender-related homicide accused fared better in terms of employment status and low-income measures than their counterparts accused of a non-gender-related homicide, a higher proportion did not receive employment income and were classified as being in a low-income situation than the average Canadian.

In sum, to prevent gender-related homicide in Canada, intervention opportunities in the form of risk assessment and safety planning exist at early points in the criminal justice system (i.e., at the time of arrest) and by social services, organizations and programs. Many accused persons also have contact with other systems and services in Canada, such as post-secondary and healthcare institutions, which may provide another point of intervention as well as the opportunity to increase awareness and collaboration among multiple and interacting sectors and organizations that can reduce the risk of gender-related homicide.

Detailed data tables

Table 1 Unique persons accused of homicide, by gender-related status and accused characteristic, Canada, 2009 to 2022

Table 2 All other contacts with police among persons accused of homicide, by gender-related status and type of violation, Canada, 2009 to 2022

Table 3 All other contacts with police among persons accused of homicide, by gender-related status and victim characteristic for violent crimes, Canada, 2009 to 2022

Table 4 Number of emergency department visits among persons accused of homicide prior to clearance date, by gender-related status, Canada, 2009 to 2022

Table 5 Reported income among persons accused of homicide who filed taxes in the three years prior to the homicide, by gender-related status, Canada, 2009 to 2022

Data sources and methodology

Homicide Survey

The Homicide Survey collects police-reported data on the characteristics of all homicide incidents, victims and accused persons in Canada. The Homicide Survey began collecting information on all murders in 1961 and was expanded in 1974 to include all incidents of manslaughter and infanticide. Although details on these incidents are not available prior to 1974, counts are available from the Uniform Crime Reporting Survey (UCR) and are included in the historical aggregate totals.

When a homicide becomes known to police, the investigating police service completes the survey questionnaires, which are then sent to Statistics Canada. There are cases where homicides become known to police months or years after they occurred. These incidents are counted in the year they become known to police (based on the report date). Information on persons accused of homicide is only available for solved incidents (i.e., where at least one accused has been identified). Accused characteristics are updated as homicide cases are solved, and new information is submitted to the Homicide Survey. Information collected through the victim and incident questionnaires is also updated accordingly when a case is solved. For incidents involving more than one accused, only the relationship between the victim and the closest accused is recorded.

The year 2019 marked the first cycle of collection of the Homicide Survey data for which information on gender identity was reported for victims and persons accused of homicide. Gender refers to the gender a person publicly expresses in their daily life, including at work, while shopping or accessing other services, in their housing environment or in the broader community. Prior to 2019, Homicide Survey data was presented by the sex of the victims and accused persons. Sex and gender refer to two different concepts. Caution should be exercised when comparing counts for sex with those for gender. Given that small counts of victims and accused persons reported or were identified as being non-binary, the aggregate Homicide Survey data available to the public has been recoded to distribute these counts to either “men” or “women” in order to ensure the protection of confidentiality and privacy. Victims and accused persons who reported or were identified as being non-binary have been distributed to either men or women categories based on the regional distribution of victims’ or accused persons’ gender.

Incident-based Uniform Crime Reporting Survey

The Incident-based Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) Survey is a microdata survey that captures detailed information on crimes reported by police, including the characteristics of victims, accused persons and incidents. Coverage from the UCR2 between 2009 and 2022 is estimated at 99% of the population of Canada and includes only those police services who have consistently responded to the survey in order to allow for comparisons over time.

The option for police to code victims as “non-binary” in the UCR Survey was implemented in 2018. In the context of the UCR Survey, “non-binary” refers to a person who publicly expresses as neither exclusively male nor exclusively female. Given that small counts of victims and accused persons identified as being gender diverse may exist, the UCR data available to the public has been recoded with these victims distributed in the “male” or “female” categories based on the regional distribution of victims’ gender. This recoding ensures the protection of confidentiality and privacy of victims.

Social data linkage environment (SDLE) data files

Postsecondary Student Information System (PSIS)

An annual administrative dataset of all Canadian (provincial and territorial) public college and university enrolments and graduations by type of program, type of credential, and field of study for each reporting year. PSIS collects information pertaining to the programs and courses offered at an institution, as well as demographic information for the students and the program(s) and course(s) in which they were registered, or from which they have graduated. The Education and Labour Market Longitudinal Platform (ELMLP) includes longitudinal PSIS data from academic year 2009/2010 onwards. For more information, see Statistics Canada’s PSIS information page.

Longitudinal Immigration Database (IMDB)

An administrative dataset for all immigrants since 1952 and non-permanent residents since 1980. The IMDB provides detailed and reliable information on socioeconomic outcomes of immigrants after their admission, such as employment income and mobility. It connects short- and long-term outcomes with characteristics at admission, such as immigrant admission category, source country and knowledge of official languages. The database also provides information on pre-admission experience in Canada, such as work or study permits as well as refugee claims. The database includes several files, such as the Immigrant Landing File and the Non-permanent Resident File which were used in this article. These files restrict analysis to individuals who were admitted to Canada since 1980. For more information, see Statistics Canada IMDB information page.

Discharge Abstract Database (DAD)

The DAD captures administrative, clinical and demographic information on hospital discharges (including deaths, sign-outs and transfers) from all provinces and territories, except Quebec. For this record linkage, the DAD files for fiscal years from 2009/2010 to 2021/2022 were included and they were made up of 34,977,317 hospitalization records in total (before applying any exclusion criteria).

The data elements collected through the DAD can vary over year and by jurisdiction. Collection of each data element may be mandatory, mandatory if applicable, optional or not applicable. Acute inpatient care reporting is mandated in all provinces and territories except Quebec. Thus, this record linkage focuses only on those hospitalizations.

For more information, see the DAD metadata website. Please note that not all DAD data elements are available in the analytical file for this record linkage project.

National Ambulatory Care Reporting System (NACRS)

The NACRS contains data for all hospital-based and community-based ambulatory care (e.g., day surgery, outpatient and community-based clinics and emergency departments). Client visit data are collected at time of service in participating facilities from several jurisdictions. For this record linkage, data spanning the fiscal years from 2009/2010 to 2021/2022 were included.

In NACRS, jurisdiction-specific instructions for collection of data elements evolve over time. Similar to DAD, collection of each data element may be mandatory, mandatory if applicable, optional or not applicable. Collection requirements can vary by jurisdiction and by data year.

For more information, see the NACRS metadata website.

Ontario Mental Health Reporting System (OMHRS)

The OMHRS analyzes and reports on information submitted to Canadian Institute for Health Information (CIHI) about all individuals receiving adult mental health services in Ontario, as well as some individuals receiving services in youth inpatient beds and selected facilities in other provinces. OMHRS includes information about mental and physical health, social supports and service use, as well as care planning, outcome measurement, quality improvement and case-mix funding applications. For this record linkage, data spanning the fiscal years from 2009/2010 to 2021/2022 were included.

For more information, see the OMHRS metadata website.

The T1 Family File (T1FF)

The T1FF data includes tables on census families, individuals and seniors. These tables are compiled from information obtained through annual personal income tax returns and is updated annually. The T1FF includes information on all tax filers and their dependents. It contains information on sources of income and some demographic indicators. The concept of family in the T1FF is based on the census family, which is a concept specific to Statistics Canada. Census families are married couples or couples living common law with or without children, or lone parents with at least one child living in the same dwelling. The residual population is called “persons not in census families” and is made up of persons living alone and of persons living in a household but who are not part of a couple family or lone-parent family. For more information, see Statistics Canada’s T1FF information page.

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