Online child sexual exploitation: Criminal justice outcomes of police-reported incidents in Canada, 2014 to 2021

Advancements in digital technologies continue to change the ways humans live. The Internet has become an integral part of everyday life with many Canadians relying on it for work and education, business and banking, and entertainment and socializing. The Internet has also changed the way people commit crime, allowing for new criminal opportunities like identity theft, extortion, and the sexual exploitation of children and youth. Perpetrators can use the Internet to gain access to children across the world, removing the geographical barriers that exist with offline offending (Kloess & van der Bruggen, 2021).

Younger generations are being raised in an increasingly digital and interconnected world. Greater access to—and increased use of—smartphones among children and youth allows them to be constantly connected, leading to concerns about online safety. The 2023 Canadian Health Survey on Children and Youth^Note  asked parents several questions about their children’s Internet use. When asked how often they speak with their child about online safety, the large majority (90%) of parents of youth aged 12 to 17 years said “sometimes” or “often.” This proportion dropped to 74% among parents of children aged 11 years and younger. Parents of youth were also more likely than parents of children to report that they speak with their child “sometimes” or “often” about online privacy (87% versus 64%, respectively).

Online child sexual exploitation (OCSE) captures a wide range of criminal offences, including luring, invitation to sexual touching, and non-consensual distribution of intimate images (see Text box 1). Canada’s criminal laws prohibit all forms of sexual abuse and exploitation and make it illegal to possess, access, make and distribute all forms of child pornography, including child pornography generated from artificial intelligence (see Savage, 2024).^Note  It is also against the law to use the Internet to communicate with a child for the purposes of facilitating the commission of a sexual offence.

In 2004, Public Safety Canada—in partnership with Justice Canada and the Royal Canadian Mounted Police—announced Canada’s National Strategy for the Protection of Children from Sexual Exploitation on the Internet (National Strategy) as a commitment to combat child sexual exploitation online. The National Strategy highlights the prevention efforts taken to better protect children and youth online, including increasing investigational capacity,^Note  enhancing public education and awareness, and providing support for further research on OCSE. Several updates have been made to the National Strategy since 2004, and the federal government continues to work in partnership with countries across the globe to address OCSE at an international level.^Note 

It is difficult to measure the true prevalence of OCSE because police-reported data for this type of crime is susceptible to underreporting and underestimation, particularly because it involves young victims who may not know how to report or are scared to ask for help. Complementary data and research from external sources like the Canadian Centre for Child Protection—a National Strategy partner—and Cybertip.ca^Note  are essential to better understand the prevalence of this type of crime.

This Juristat article is divided into two sections. The first section, which uses police-reported data from the Incident-based Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) Survey, builds upon previous reports (Ibrahim, 2022; Savage, 2024) by providing the most recent data on the prevalence and nature of OCSE incidents reported by police in 2023. The first section examines the characteristics of OCSE incidents, victims, and accused persons. The second section of the Juristat article uses a linked data file to explore how OCSE incidents reported by police between 2014 and 2021 proceeded through the criminal justice system, from police to courts.^Note 

This Juristat article was produced with funding support from Public Safety Canada.

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Section 1: Recent trends in police-reported online child sexual exploitation

This section uses data from the UCR Survey to explore the prevalence and nature of police-reported OCSE incidents in Canada in 2023. Trend data from 2014 to 2023 are also presented.

Police-reported incidents of online child sexual exploitation increased between 2022 and 2023

In 2023, there were 19,516 police-reported incidents where the cyber violation was an OCSE offence (Text box 1). This number translated to a rate of 262 incidents per 100,000 children and youth in Canada, up 59% from 2022 (164 incidents per 100,000 children and youth).^Note  This increase was driven by a significantly higher number (+81%) of online child pornography incidents reported by police in 2023. Online child pornography incidents accounted for 87% of all OCSE incidents in 2023 (Table 1).

It is important to note that higher rates between years may reflect differences in the recognition, reporting, and investigation of OCSE incidents, and not necessarily higher rates of occurrence. Year-over-year differences in reporting may be influenced by a variety of factors, including the presence or absence of public awareness campaigns, the willingness of the public to report incidents to police, and the number of investigative resources among police services allocated to dedicated Internet Child Exploitation units.

The rest of this section presents the two OCSE categories (online sexual offences against children incidents and online child pornography incidents) separately.

Online sexual offences against children

Of the 19,516 police-reported incidents of OCSE in 2023, 2,624 were classified as incidents of online sexual offences against children, translating to a rate of 35 incidents per 100,000 children and youth in Canada (Table 1). While there was a slight decrease in the rate between 2022 and 2023 (-5%)—the first decrease since 2015—the rate of online sexual offences against children in 2023 was 88% higher than in 2014 (Chart 1). This can be partially attributed to the increased amount of time children and youth spend online compared to 2014, driven by greater access to smartphones and the expansion of online content over the past decade (Statistics Canada, 2022).

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The COVID-19 pandemic has had a profound impact on the ways Canadians use the Internet. In the early months of the pandemic, many provinces and territories imposed lockdowns and social distancing mandates to slow the transmission of the virus. As physical spaces like schools and workplaces shifted online, large numbers of Canadians relied on the Internet for many aspects of everyday life—more than ever before. Social distancing restrictions significantly increased the amount of time children and youth spent online, putting them at increased risk of cybervictimization (Hango, 2023; Reich et al., 2012).

The proportion of incidents classified as unfounded declined between 2017 and 2023

Before 2018, an incident was classified as “founded” in the UCR Survey if, after police investigation, it was determined that a crime had occurred, even if no accused had been identified (Canadian Centre for Justice Statistics, 2018). The definition of “founded” crime was updated in January 2018 to better reflect a more victim-centred approach to recording crimes: “An incident is founded if, after police investigation, it has been determined that the reported offence did occur or was attempted (even if the charged/suspect chargeable (CSC) is unknown) or there is no credible evidence to confirm that the reported incident did not take place. This includes third party reports that fit these criteria.” More incidents are now captured by police data because of this change.

A growing proportion of online sexual offences against children are not cleared by police

In the UCR Survey, the clearance status of an incident refers to whether the incident was “cleared” (i.e., solved) or “not cleared” (i.e., unsolved) by police. For a criminal incident to be cleared—and for a charge to be laid or recommended by police—an accused must be identified.^Note 

In general, as the number of police-reported online sexual offences against children has increased since 2014, so has the proportion of incidents not cleared by police (Chart 2). This may be partially attributed to the updated definition of founded crime: the number of unfounded incidents has decreased since 2018 but are instead classified as “not cleared” by police (i.e., due to there being insufficient evidence to proceed with laying or recommending a charge, incidents still being open and under investigation, or the victim or complainant declining to proceed where no accused was identified).

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While there was a small decrease in the number of incidents reported in 2023 compared to 2022, the proportion of unsolved incidents has continued to increase, mirroring the clearance status trends observed for most crime types in recent years (Conroy, 2024).

Police services are facing growing challenges when it comes to investigating and solving cybercrime, and online sexual offences against children are no exception. Cybercrime investigations are often complex; rapid advancements in technology have increased the availability of encrypted messaging platforms and peer-to-peer networks, making it easier for perpetrators to evade detection (Horan & Saiedian, 2021; Rakha, 2024; United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, 2015). Collecting digital evidence can also be challenging. Social media platforms like Snapchat—a widely-used messaging application—only preserve data for a limited amount of time, as images and messages are designed to disappear after being viewed.

The Internet has also created new opportunities for perpetrators to lure, groom and exploit children and youth from across the world. Police services may face jurisdictional hurdles when an accused resides outside of Canada, often relying on cooperation from international police to conduct their investigation.

Around one-third of online sexual offences against children were solved by police in 2023

Overall, around 3 in 10 (31%) online sexual offences against children in 2023 were cleared (i.e., solved) by police, with most (76%) cleared incidents resulting in a charge being laid or recommended against an accused. The proportion of incidents cleared by police varied across offence types, ranging from 24% of luring incidents to 83% of incidents of invitation to sexual touching (Table 2). This was much higher than the clearance rate for cybercrime incidents overall (e.g., cybercrime-related incidents of extortion, criminal harassment). In 2023, 1 in 10 (10%) cybercrime incidents were cleared by police, of which 68% resulted in charges being laid or recommended against an accused. In 2023, 1,275 incidents of online sexual offences against children were classified by police as having insufficient evidence to proceed with laying or recommending a charge, accounting for almost half (49%) of all police-reported online sexual offences against children.

The proportion of online sexual offences against children resulting in charges has declined

Less than one-quarter (23%) of all police-reported online sexual offences against children in 2023 resulted in a charge being laid or recommended against an accused (Chart 2). The proportion of all incidents resulting in charges has generally declined over the past few years as the proportion of uncleared incidents has steadily increased. For example, in 2020, 61% of all police-reported incidents of online sexual offences against children were not cleared by police, 29% resulted in charges against an accused, and the remaining 10% were cleared otherwise (Chart 2). In 2023, as the proportion of uncleared incidents rose to 69%, less than one-quarter (23%) of all police-reported online sexual offences against children resulted in a charge being laid or recommended against an accused. In addition to the definitional change to “founded” crime, this difference may reflect the complexity of cybercrime incidents and the increasing challenges encountered by law enforcement as digital technologies continue to develop and evolve.

Most online sexual offences against children were reported to police the same or following day

There may be a delay between a crime occurring and it being brought to the attention of the police. For instance, younger children may not recognize online sexual abuse or may not know how to report it. In other scenarios, victims may not feel safe reporting their abuse to the authorities or may experience feelings of shame or embarrassment (Dekker et al., 2019; Zvi & Bitton, 2021). For the incidents of online sexual offences against children that were reported to police in 2023, slightly more than two-thirds (67%) were reported to police the same or following day they occurred (Table 3). A small proportion (4%) of incidents were reported to police more than one year after the end date of the incident.

Most online sexual offences against children were isolated or single-day incidents

The length of an incident can be recorded in different ways, depending on the police service. For example, some police services may only record the incident end date, which will not capture ongoing victimization like repeat luring. This is particularly true for incidents that are reported to police long after they happen.

Police-reported data from 2023 show that more than 7 in 10 (72%) incidents were isolated or single-day incidents (as opposed to ongoing), meaning that they were recorded by police as having started and ended on the same date (Table 3). Just over one in five (22%) incidents of online sexual offences against children took place over the course of a week or longer.

Most victims of police-reported online sexual offences were girls, youth

In general, women and girls are disproportionately more likely than men and boys to be victims of sexual violence in Canada (Burczycka, 2020; Conroy & Cotter, 2017; Cotter, 2021; Cotter & Savage, 2019; Perreault, 2020). In 2023, most (77%) victims of police-reported online sexual offences against children were girls (Table 4). More specifically, girls were more likely than boys to be victims of luring (81% versus 19%, respectively), non-consensual distribution of intimate images (72% versus 28%), invitation to sexual touching (68% versus 32%) and other online sexual offences against children^Note  (70% versus 30%). While girls were much more likely than boys to be victims of these types of crime, the gap was smaller than for most other police-reported sexual offences, like sexual assault (Conroy, 2024).

Youth aged 12 to 17 years accounted for the large majority (82%) of victims of online sexual offences against children. This may be partly influenced by the greater likelihood of youth having access to the Internet and their own social media accounts compared to children aged 11 years and younger. The median age of victims was 14 years for both girls and boys.

Luring incidents accounted for nearly two-thirds of online sexual offences against children

Consistent with past trends, luring—the offence of communicating with a child or youth online for the purpose of committing a sexual offence—accounted for nearly two-thirds (65%) of police-reported online sexual offences against children in 2023 (Table 1). More specifically, there were 1,705 incidents of luring reported in 2023, 217 fewer than the number reported in 2022. The rate of luring declined 12% between 2022 and 2023, from 26 to 23 incidents per 100,000 children and youth.

For luring incidents where a victim had been identified by police, the large majority (77%) of victims in 2023 were youth aged 12 to 17 and, of these victims, 79% were girls (Table 4). The median age of victims of luring was 13 years for girls and 14 years for boys.

In incidents where an accused was identified by police, the median age of the accused was 16 years for women and girls while it was 29 years for men and boys.

Incidents of non-consensual distribution of intimate images most often involved a youth accused

In 2015, the Protecting Canadians from Online Crime Act made the non-consensual distribution of intimate images (NCDII) a criminal offence in Canada. The self-production of intimate images, and the consensual sharing of these images, is considered an accepted form of sexual expression among young adults (Barroso et al., 2021; Englander, 2019; Gámez‐Guadix et al., 2022; Howard et al., 2023). However, forwarding or sharing these images beyond the intended recipient—without consent—is a criminal offence.

This crime can have profound emotional and psychological impacts on victims, including feelings of shame, betrayal, embarrassment, public humiliation, low self-esteem, anger, and self-harm, including suicide (Dekker et al., 2019; Dodge & Spencer, 2017; Schmidt et al., 2024). Victims may also feel that they have no control over who sees or shares their intimate images, given the permanence of their private images on the Internet (Joleby et al., 2020; Zvi & Bitton, 2021; Said & McNealey, 2023).

In 2023, there were 480 police-reported incidents of NCDII involving a victim aged 17 years or younger, up from 359 incidents reported in 2022 (Table 1). In 2023, consistent with previous years, the vast majority (94%) of child and youth victims identified by police were youth aged 12 to 17 years, with a median age of 14 years for both girls and boys.^Note 

Almost 3 in 10 (27%) NCDII incidents were cleared by police in 2023, most (72%) of which were “cleared otherwise” (i.e., without the laying or recommendation of charges). This is likely because—in incidents involving a child or youth victim where an accused had been identified—the accused was most often a youth aged 12 to 17 years (92%).^Note  The Youth Criminal Justice Act aims to divert youth accused of a criminal offence away from the criminal justice system whenever possible. Often referred to as alternative measures, police can choose to issue a caution or warning or refer the accused to an appropriate program or agency instead of laying charges, depending on the severity of the offence (see Text box 6). Of the 92 NCDII incidents that were cleared but did not result in charges, 7 in 10 (71%) were classified by police as being cleared via departmental discretion, meaning that the police service used alternative measures like a warning, a caution or a referral to a community-based program, instead of laying criminal charges.

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Online child pornography

The second category of offences that makes up online child sexual exploitation is online child pornography—specifically, possessing or accessing (online) child pornography and making or distributing (online) child pornography. Under section 163.1 of the Criminal Code, child pornography is defined as any photograph, film, video or other visual representation, as well as written and audio material of a person who is (or is depicted as being) less than 18 years old and is engaged in (or depicted as engaged in) explicit sexual activity. It is illegal to make, distribute, possess, or access child pornography. For more information, see Definition of child pornography.

While “child pornography” is the current term used in the Criminal Code (and the UCR Survey), “child sexual abuse material” (CSAM) or “child sexual exploitation material” (CSEM) are the preferred terms. The term “child pornography” suggests that the abuse is consensual and helps offenders justify their crimes (Royal Canadian Mounted Police, 2019). Bill C-291, which proposed changing “child pornography” to “online sexual abuse and exploitation material” in the Criminal Code, received royal assent on October 10th, 2024, so this term will be used in future analytical products.

While there are no victims identified in child pornography incidents in the UCR Survey (see Text box 1), child pornography is not a victimless crime. The harmful consequences of CSAM are well-documented. Research suggests that CSAM victims experience prolonged levels of post-traumatic stress and anxiety from the abuse itself and from the fear that recorded images and videos of their abuse may be circulating online (Joleby et al., 2020; Martin et al., 2019).

The International Survivors’ Survey—conducted by the Canadian Centre for Child Protection in 2017—collected information from adult survivors about their experiences of child sexual abuse which was recorded and/or distributed online. Results show that more than half (56%) of survivors said that their abuse began before the age of 4 years, and 87% were aged 11 years or younger (Canadian Centre for Child Protection, 2017).

Large increase in the number of online child pornography incidents reported in 2023

There were 16,892 incidents of online child pornography reported by police in 2023 (7,550 more than were reported in 2022), translating to a rate of 227 incidents per 100,000 children and youth in Canada (Table 1). The large year-over-year increase (+81%) in the number of reported incidents was driven largely by the number of making or distributing child pornography incidents almost doubling from 2022. The increase in online child pornography in 2023 was partially the result of more cases—current and historical—being forwarded to local police services due to increased public awareness about the topic and partnerships related to combatting and investigating OCSE. For more information, see the Note to readers.

 The Royal Canadian Mounted Police’s National Child Exploitation Crime Centre (NCECC) is the primary point of contact in Canada for investigations related to the sexual exploitation of children on the Internet. In collaboration with both national and international policing partners, the NCECC works to identify and assist child victims of online child sexual exploitation living in Canada, and to identify and prosecute those responsible for these crimes. Police-reported data are also influenced by changes in reporting practices resulting from increased public awareness and public safety initiatives, as well as mandatory reporting of child sexual abuse material by Internet service providers^Note  (Public Safety Canada, 2022).

Incidents of making or distributing child pornography almost doubled between 2022 and 2023

As was the case in previous years, making or distributing child pornography accounted for the large majority (87%) of reported incidents of online child pornography in 2023, with possessing or accessing child pornography accounting for the remaining 13% of incidents (Table 1). The number of incidents of making or distributing child pornography almost doubled between 2022 and 2023, from 7,587 to 14,682 incidents, respectively (+94%).

Almost all online child pornography incidents were not cleared by police in 2023

Almost all (96%) police-reported online child pornography incidents were not cleared by police in 2023, with the vast majority (92%) being classified as having insufficient evidence to proceed with charges against an accused (Table 3). The widespread distribution of CSAM online via encrypted networks and the dark web makes it challenging for law enforcement to collect enough digital evidence to lay charges against an accused.

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Section 2: Criminal justice pathways of police-reported incidents of online child sexual exploitation

Using a data file linking police-reported data from the UCR Survey with administrative data from the Integrated Criminal Court Survey (ICCS), this section will examine how police-reported OCSE incidents progress through the various stages of the criminal justice system. The linked file allows for the examination of case characteristics and justice outcomes (i.e., charges laid, decisions made in relation to these charges and, where possible, sentencing outcomes) of OCSE incidents reported by police between 2014 and 2021 that resulted in a completed court case between 2013/2014 and 2022/2023 (see Text box 5).

As previously noted, OCSE is not a distinct offence in the Criminal Code. In this Juristat article (and preceding articles; see Ibrahim, 2023; Ibrahim, 2022; Savage, 2024), OCSE consists of two distinct categories of Criminal Code offences: online sexual offences against children and online child pornography (see Text box 1 for a detailed list of offences in each category). The absence of a specific Criminal Code offence for OCSE presents challenges when comparing criminal justice outcomes of these incidents to the outcomes of other explicitly defined Criminal Code offences. While it may seem that offline (i.e., contact) child sexual exploitation offences would be the most logical comparison to OCSE, data would be limited to 2018 incidents onwards, thereby reducing the number of linked incidents that could be analyzed. This is because, prior to 2018, cybercrime data collected through the UCR Survey were processed differently than non-cybercrime data (see Ibrahim, 2023 for more information).

Like previous Juristat articles examining justice outcomes of police-reported sexual offences (Cotter, 2024; Ibrahim, 2023; Rotenberg, 2017), this analysis uses physical assault as a benchmark for comparison. Physical assault includes physical assault (levels 1, 2 and 3), unlawfully causing bodily harm, and other assaults where a victim was identified as being 17 years of age or younger. While the focus will be on how OCSE incidents progress through the criminal justice system, any major differences between the two OCSE categories (online sexual offences against children and online child pornography incidents) will be presented throughout.

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Retention and attrition of online child sexual exploitation incidents in the criminal justice system

The gap between the number of incidents reported by police and the number of incidents resulting in a completed court case is referred to as “attrition” (Garside, 2004). Data from self-reported victimization surveys show that most sexual offences do not come to the attention of the police (Conroy & Cotter, 2017; Cotter 2021; Cotter & Savage, 2019), and research shows that offences involving child victims are even less likely to be reported (Aguerri et al., 2023; Chandran et al., 2019). In the context of attrition, the first big drop-off happens at the outset with unreported crime—that is, the incidents that do not come to the attention of police and never reach the criminal justice system. Incidents that are reported by police may gradually drop out of the justice system at various stages, starting at the clearance stage where an incident may be cleared by the laying or recommendation of charges, cleared otherwise (an accused was identified but no charges laid) or not cleared (no accused was identified in connection to the incident).

In comparison, retention—the inverse of attrition—refers to incidents that continue to proceed through the criminal justice system and result in a completed court case. In this analysis, retained incidents refer to those that were reported by police between 2014 and 2021, and where an accused was identified, a charge was laid and the case was completed in court (i.e., a final decision was made) between 2013/2014 and 2022/2023.^Note 

Just over one in five online child sexual exploitation incidents reported by police are solved

There were 50,653 OCSE incidents reported by police between 2014 and 2021, with 16% resulting in charges being laid or recommended against an accused.^Note  Of this proportion, slightly more than half (53%) proceeded to criminal court^Note  (Table 5). In other words, the attrition rate for OCSE incidents was high; the vast majority (92%) of incidents reported by police during this period (regardless of whether an accused was identified and whether they were charged) did not result in a completed court case.

The highest point of attrition for OCSE incidents was at the clearance stage, with almost four out of five (77%) reported incidents not cleared by police (Chart 5). When an incident was cleared, around 3 in 10 (31%) were cleared otherwise (i.e., no charges were laid or recommended by police). When charges were laid or recommended by police, around half (47%) did not result in a completed court case. As mentioned, it is not possible to determine whether these cases were still before the courts into fiscal year 2023/2024 and beyond, or whether they had dropped out of the criminal justice system entirely.

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In comparison, police-reported incidents of physical assault were more likely to be retained and progress through the criminal justice system. Of all physical assault incidents involving a victim aged 17 years or younger reported by police between 2014 and 2021, 3 in 10 (31%) were not cleared by police. The large difference in the clearance rate between the two crimes likely reflects the investigative challenges police face when trying to solve cybercrimes like OCSE.

While physical assaults were more likely than OCSE incidents to be cleared without charges, they were also more likely to be cleared by charge (37%, versus 16% of OCSE incidents). Physical assault incidents were also less likely to drop out at the court stage. When charges had been laid or recommended, the large majority (73%) resulted in a completed court case by the end of 2022/2023 (Table 5).

Figure 1 presents the attrition (adjusted out of 1,000 incidents) for both OCSE and physical assault incidents to illustrate the differences between these crimes at various stages of the criminal justice system.

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Of every 1,000 OCSE incidents reported by police between 2014 and 2021, 844 did not result in charges being laid by police against an accused (either because the incident was uncleared or because it was classified as being cleared otherwise). An additional 73 incidents dropped out between the police and court stage (i.e., charges had been laid or recommended against an accused but did not result in a completed court case by the end of 2022/2023).^Note  Of the remaining 82 incidents, 23 went to court but did not result in a guilty decision.^Note  Of the incidents that resulted in a guilty decision, 7 did not result in a sentence of custody. Overall, 52 out of 1,000 police-reported OCSE incidents resulted in a guilty finding and custodial sentence (Figure 1).

In comparison, police-reported physical assaults involving victims 17 years of age and younger were more likely than OCSE incidents to be retained at the police charging and court stages but were proportionately more likely to experience higher levels of attrition at later stages of the criminal justice process. Of every 1,000 incidents reported by police between 2014 and 2021, 33 resulted in a finding of guilt and a custodial sentence.

Victim and incident characteristics associated with attrition of online child sexual exploitation

Victim and incident characteristics vary widely, and these differences can impact the decisions made at each stage of the criminal justice process, from charging to sentencing outcomes. The characteristics examined in this analysis are limited to those that are collected through the UCR Survey and to incidents that involved a single victim.

Online child sexual exploitation incidents more likely to result in charges when the victim is a girl

Both self-reported and police-reported data have consistently shown that most victims of sexual offences are women and girls (Burczycka, 2021; Conroy, 2024; Cotter, 2021), and this is also true for OCSE (Ibrahim, 2022; Savage, 2024). Of all OCSE incidents reported by police between 2014 and 2021, the large majority (86%) of identified victims were girls.

The charge rate was higher for OCSE incidents when the victim was a girl (27%, versus 22% when the victim was a boy), but this gap narrowed once charges had been laid. A similar proportion of incidents proceeded to court once an accused had been charged, regardless of victim gender (Table 5). The gap in the charge rate was more notable for physical assault incidents. Between 2014 and 2021, physical assault incidents with a girl victim were also more likely to result in charges being laid or recommended than when the victim was a boy (37% versus 28%, respectively) (Table 5).

Child victims less likely to see charges laid against perpetrator

There was also a difference in the charge rate depending on whether the victim was a child (aged 11 years or younger) or a youth (aged 12 to 17 years) at the start of the incident. Research shows that crimes involving child victims are more likely to go unreported, often due to barriers such as the inability to recognize or report online sexual abuse (Chandran et al., 2019; Taylor & Gasser, 2010). That said, 16% of OCSE incidents (where a victim had been identified by police) involved a victim aged 11 years or younger. Of this proportion, less than 2 in 10 (18%) resulted in charges being laid or recommended—a 10 percentage point difference from incidents involving youth victims (28%).

Incidents with longer reporting delays generally less likely to be retained in the justice system once charges laid

Delays in reporting—that is, the difference between the end date of an incident and the date it was reported by police—were much more common for OCSE incidents than for physical assaults (Table 5). Specifically, three-quarters (75%) of physical assaults were reported the same day the incident occurred, compared to slightly more than 4 in 10 (43%) OCSE incidents. 

More than half (56%) of incidents reported the same day (that resulted in charges being laid against an accused) proceeded to court. Other than a slight uptick for incidents reported more than one month after the incident occurred but within one year, incidents with longer reporting delays were generally less likely to proceed to court once charges had been laid. This finding is aligned with what is observed for other sexual offences (Cotter, 2024).

Higher attrition for online child pornography at the police clearance stage

Some OCSE offences were less likely to result in charges and proceed to court than others (Chart 6). The large majority (85%) of online child pornography incidents reported by police between 2014 and 2021 were not solved (i.e., an accused had not been identified), compared to 56% of incidents of online sexual offences against children. When an incident was solved (i.e., an accused had been identified), the charge rate was higher for online sexual offences against children incidents (74%, versus 64% of online child pornography incidents). Once charges were laid or recommended against an accused, the same proportion of online sexual offences against children (53%) and online child pornography (53%) incidents proceeded to court (Table 6).

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A high proportion of NCDII incidents reported by police between 2014 and 2021 dropped out at the charging stage, with 7 in 10 (71%) solved incidents being cleared without the laying or recommendation of charges (i.e., an accused was identified but no charges were laid). This is likely because the large majority (90%) of persons accused of this offence between 2014 and 2021 were youth aged 12 to 17 years. In Canada, youth accused of committing less serious criminal offences may be diverted from the formal court system as per the Youth Criminal Justice Act (see Text box 6).

Women and girls accused of online child sexual exploitation more likely to drop out of the justice system

Accounting for a small minority (10%) of all persons accused in online child sexual exploitation incidents, women and girls were much more likely than men and boys to drop out at the police charging stage. Of all police-reported OCSE incidents involving a woman or girl accused, around one in four (22%) resulted in charges being laid or recommended, compared to around 7 in 10 (69%) incidents involving a man or boy accused (Table 5).

Most cases linked to police-reported online child sexual exploitation incidents retained at least one online child sexual exploitation charge once in court

A court case can involve multiple charges if multiple violations of the Criminal Code were committed during one or more incidents. Between 2013/2014 and 2022/2023, there were 15,497 completed court charges (as part of 3,213 court cases) that linked to 4,170 OCSE incidents reported by police between 2014 and 2021. Of these charges, 12,479 (81%) were for OCSE offences, most commonly online child pornography (46% of all charges). The most common non-OCSE charges were for administration of justice violations (i.e., breach of probation, failure to appear, failure to comply with order), accounting for 5% of all charges.

Not all linked charges or cases processed in court reflect the initial charge laid by police. For example, charges can be downgraded to a lesser charge through plea bargaining, whereby the Crown may withdraw a more serious charge against an accused in exchange for a guilty plea on a less serious charge.^Note  Similarly, charges may also be upgraded by the Crown if more information about the case is available after the police have completed their investigation.

When looking at OCSE attrition and retention rates, all police-reported OCSE incidents are included in the analysis, irrespective of whether the charge initially laid by police changed to a different charge once in court. However, any analysis of court outcomes and sentences are limited to OCSE cases where at least one OCSE charge was retained in the court process. It is important to note that the OCSE charge was not necessarily the most serious offence in the case and, as such, outcomes and sentencing decisions may reflect a different charge within the same court case.^Note  There were 12,479 completed court charges where at least one OCSE charge was retained in the case^Note  as part of 3,100 completed court cases (Table 7). The rest of the analysis is based on these completed court cases where at least one OCSE charge was retained in the case.

Almost 9 in 10 (87%) court cases were completed in adult criminal court, with the remainder completed in youth court. There are some important differences between adult criminal court and youth court in terms of decision and sentencing outcomes. As such, the following analysis will focus on adult criminal court cases. For information on cases completed in youth court, see Text box 6.

Three in four online child sexual exploitation cases completed in adult criminal court resulted in a guilty decision

While a smaller proportion of OCSE incidents led to charges and, subsequently, went to court, OCSE cases were more likely than physical assault cases to result in a guilty decision for any charge in the case (Chart 7).

Between 2014 and 2022, almost three-quarters (72%) of adult criminal court cases linked to police-reported incidents of OCSE resulted in a guilty decision for the most serious offence^Note  in the case (Table 7; Chart 7). An additional one-quarter (25%) of cases were stayed, withdrawn, dismissed, or discharged, and the remaining 2% resulted in acquittals. In comparison, slightly more than half (52%) of completed adult criminal court cases linked to police-reported physical assault incidents (where a physical assault charge was retained) resulted in a guilty decision for the most serious offence in the case, with an additional 42% being stayed, withdrawn, dismissed, or discharged and 5% acquitted.

When looking at the specific types of OCSE cases that linked to a completed adult criminal court case, online child pornography incidents were slightly more likely than online sexual offences against children incidents to result in a guilty decision (74% versus 70%) (Table 9).

Chart 7 start

Chart 7 end

Case decisions similar regardless of victim gender and age

Once in court, victim characteristics were not associated with case decisions in adult criminal court (Table 10). A similar proportion of OCSE cases resulted in a guilty decision regardless of whether the victim was a girl (72%) or a boy (70%) and a child (69%) or a youth (72%).

Online child sexual exploitation incidents far more likely to result in a custodial sentence than physical assaults

Once a person is found guilty of one or more charges, they are sentenced (e.g., sentenced to custody or probation, or given a fine).^Note  Between 2014 and 2022, the large majority (88%) of adult criminal court cases that had at least one OCSE charge retained that resulted in a guilty decision for the most serious offence in the case were sentenced to custody^Note  (Table 7; Chart 8). This was much larger than the proportion of individuals sentenced to custody after being found guilty of physical assault (24%). The most common outcome for incidents of physical assault that proceeded to court and resulted in a guilty finding was probation (59%) (Table 9).

When a guilty decision had been reached for the most serious offence in the case, adult criminal court cases linked to police-reported OCSE incidents involving a girl victim (84%) more often resulted in a custodial sentence than those involving a boy victim (79%) (Table 10).

Chart 8 start

Chart 8 end

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Summary

The first section of this Juristat article presents a detailed overview of online child sexual exploitation (OCSE) incidents reported by police services in Canada to the Incident-based Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) Survey in 2023.

There were 19,516 OCSE incidents reported by police in 2023, translating to a rate of 262 incidents per 100,000 children and youth in Canada—a 59% increase from the rate reported by police in 2022. This year-over-year increase was driven by a large increase (+7,550) in the number of online child pornography incidents reported in 2023. Online child pornography incidents accounted for 87% of all OCSE incidents in 2023. The remaining 13% of OCSE incidents were online sexual offences against children (e.g., luring, non-consensual distribution of intimate images, invitation to sexual touching).

It is important to highlight that increases in the number of incidents reported by police between years may not necessarily reflect an actual increase in this type of crime. Reporting practices can be influenced by the presence or absence of public awareness campaigns, the willingness of the public to report incidents to police, and the number of investigative resources allocated to Internet child exploitation units across Canada.

Once an OCSE incident has been reported, police services must identify an accused and obtain enough evidence to proceed with laying or recommending charges. Investigating and solving cybercrime can be challenging due to continuous advancements in digital technologies. Perpetrators can target children and youth across the world while remaining completely anonymous and untraceable. Around 3 in 10 (31%) police-reported incidents of online sexual offences against children were cleared (i.e., solved) in 2023. Once cleared, three-quarters (76%) of these incidents resulted in charges against an accused.

The second section of this Juristat article examines how police-reported OCSE incidents progress through the Canadian criminal justice system using a data file linking police-reported data from the UCR Survey with administrative data from the Integrated Criminal Court Survey (ICCS). OCSE incidents reported by police between January 1, 2014, and December 31, 2021, where an accused person was identified by police, were considered in-scope for linkage with ICCS data. This included adult criminal and youth court cases that were completed between 2013/2014 and 2022/2023.

Not all criminal incidents reported by police continue to court and result in a guilty decision against an accused, a phenomenon known as attrition. Of all OCSE incidents reported by police between 2014 and 2021, 92% did not result in a completed court case before the end of 2022/2023. It is not possible to determine whether all these incidents dropped out of the criminal justice system, or whether some were still before the courts into fiscal year 2023/2024 and beyond. Most OCSE incidents did not make it past the police clearance stage: four out of five (77%) incidents reported during the reference period were not cleared by police. Attrition can also happen at the charging stage (i.e., an incident was cleared but no charges were laid) and during the court process.

Once in court, 72% of adult criminal court cases linked to a police-reported OCSE incident (where at least one OCSE charge was retained) resulted in a guilty decision for the most serious offence in the case. Of these, a custodial sentence was the most serious sentence in 88% of cases. In comparison, slightly more than half (52%) of adult criminal court cases linked to police-reported physical assault resulted in a guilty decision for the most serious offence in the case. Of this proportion, a custodial sentence was the most serious sentence in 24% of cases.

Detailed data tables

Table 1 Police-reported online child sexual exploitation incidents, by type of offence and year, Canada, 2014 to 2023

Table 2 Police-reported online sexual offences against children, by incident clearance status, Canada, 2023

Table 3 Police-reported online child sexual exploitation, by offence type and incident characteristic, Canada, 2023

Table 4 Police-reported online sexual offences against children, by type of offence and victim characteristics, Canada, 2023

Table 5 Characteristics of police-reported incidents of online child sexual exploitation and physical assault, by clearance and court outcomes, Canada, 2014 to 2021

Table 6 Incident characteristics of police-reported incidents of online sexual offences against children, online child pornography and physical assault, by clearance and court outcomes, Canada, 2014 to 2021

Table 7 Decision and sentencing outcomes in completed court cases linked to police-reported incidents of online child sexual exploitation and physical assault, by level of court, Canada, 2014 to 2021

Table 8 Decisions and outcomes of adult criminal court cases linked to police-reported incidents of online child sexual exploitation and physical assault, by selected characteristics, Canada, 2014 to 2021

Table 9 Decision and sentencing outcomes in completed court cases linked to police-reported incidents of online sexual offences against children, online child pornography and physical assault, by level of court, Canada, 2014 to 2021

Table 10 Decisions and outcomes of adult criminal court cases linked to police-reported incidents of online sexual offences against children, online child pornography and physical assault, by selected characteristics, Canada, 2014 to 2021

Note to readers

Because of the complexity of cyber incidents, these data likely reflect the number of active or closed investigations for the year rather than the total number of incidents reported by police. Data are based on police-reported incidents that are recorded in police services' records management systems.

Like with all crime, incidents of child pornography are subject to changes in the occurrence of incidents, as well as public awareness and policing practices. A variety of public safety initiatives at all levels of government, along with increased public awareness and changes in policies and technologies available to social media companies have contributed to increases in reports of child pornography incidents to police. As public awareness continues to increase, police services are reporting increases in recent and historical incidents which may also impact annual reporting of these criminal violations.

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