Homicide in Canada, 2021

In Canada, homicides remain relatively rare events, accounting for less than 0.2% of all police-reported violent crimes in 2021 (Moreau, 2022). These incidents include first-degree murder, second-degree murder, manslaughter and infanticide. Nevertheless, the occurrence of homicide is generally regarded as an important benchmark for community safety and well-being. Policy makers in Canada and abroad look at the incidence of homicides to assess the extent of violence in society, and to determine the appropriate response (Corradi & Stöckl, 2014; Ouimet & Montmagny-Grenier, 2014). A person’s sense of safety is partly predicated on the reported prevalence of homicides and other violent crimes in their local community (Shi, et al., 2020). Furthermore, the impacts of these violent events on individuals, families, friends and communities are profound and long-lasting (Connolly & Gordon, 2015; Mastrocinque et al., 2015). As such, the study of homicide is an important metric for assessing societal welfare (Sampson, 2003).

The following report draws on the most recent data from Statistics Canada’s Homicide Survey to further examine the nature and occurrence of homicide in Canada. The incidence and characteristics of homicides are analyzed over time across key dimensions, including geography (e.g., regions), the sociodemographic profiles of victims and accused persons (e.g., gender, age, Indigenous identity and racialized groups) and the characteristics of incidents (e.g., type of weapon, relation to gang activities, relationships between victims and accused persons).

Following an analysis of homicide trends in 2021, this report focuses on three specific areas. First, it offers a gendered analysis of homicide in consideration of the diverging experience of women and men with regard to this violent crime. Second, it examines various factors which can impact the clearance of homicides and the time it takes to solve them. Third, it explores key differences between homicides in urban and rural communities, in recognition that the nature of these incidents—and the characteristics of the people experiencing them—often differs according to geography.

Overview of homicide trends in 2021

National homicide rate increased for a third consecutive year

In 2021, police services from across Canada reported 788 homicides, 29 more than in 2020. This most recent rise in the total number of homicides represented the third consecutive increase since 2019 (Table 1a). Consequently, the national homicide rate increased by 3% to 2.06 homicides per 100,000 population, representing a third consecutive yearly increase in rate and the highest rate since 2005 (Table 1b).

Third consecutive homicide rate increase for Saskatchewan and a record high for Ontario’s homicide count

This overall increase in the number of homicides in Canada was associated mainly with increases since 2020 in Ontario (277 homicides; +37) and British Columbia (125 homicides; +25). While this latest rise was the second in a row for British Columbia, it was the first increase in Ontario since 2018 (Table 1a).

By contrast, both Alberta (118 homicides; -23) and Nova Scotia (23 homicides; -14) recorded the largest decreases among provinces and territories. However, it should be noted that this decline in Nova Scotia follows an unusually large increase in 2020 because of a mass shooting in the province that year.^Note  Nevertheless, this latest count is higher than the 16-homicide average for the province during the previous 10 years (i.e., 2011 to 2020).

Among other provinces and territories, the homicide count in Saskatchewan (70 homicides) increased by six in 2021 compared to 2020. Newfoundland and Labrador (8 homicides) and Yukon (4 homicides) each saw four additional homicides. The Northwest Territories reported one homicide in 2021, five fewer compared the previous year, while the homicide count in New Brunswick (11 homicides) decreased by three. The homicide count in Quebec (88 homicides; +1), Manitoba (61 homicides; -1), and Nunavut (2 homicides; -1) remained similar to 2020. No homicides were recorded in Prince Edward Island in 2021.

Saskatchewan recorded the highest rate of homicides per 100,000 population (5.93) among the provinces in 2021. This latest figure represents a 9% increase from 2020 and a third consecutive yearly increase. Manitoba (4.41) had the second-highest rate in 2021, but it was a 2% decrease from the previous year. Prince Edward Island (-100%), Nova Scotia (-38%), New Brunswick (-22%) and Alberta (-17%) recorded the largest percentage decrease in homicide rate among the provinces. Newfoundland and Labrador (+100%), British Columbia (+24%) and Ontario (+15%) had the largest percentage increase in homicide rate in 2021 (Table 1b).

In some instances, homicide rates were higher in the territories compared to the provinces. However, the relatively small population sizes in the region causes rates to be impacted more strongly by changes in homicide counts, making comparisons over time and across geographies less meaningful. Nevertheless, in 2021, Yukon recorded a rate of 9.31 homicides per 100,000 population, while Nunavut had a rate of 5.08 and the Northwest Territories had a rate of 2.20.

Homicide rates among census metropolitan areas highest in Regina, Thunder Bay and Winnipeg

Among census metropolitan areas (CMAs) in 2021, the highest homicide rates recorded were in Regina (5.67 homicides per 100,000 population), Thunder Bay (5.63) and Winnipeg (5.39). For both Regina and Winnipeg, these figures represented increases from the previous year (25% and 10%, respectively). Thunder Bay saw a 21% decrease in its homicide rate from 2020. The CMAs with the largest percentage increase in homicide rate from the previous year were Windsor (+101%), St John’s (+100%) and London (+98%) (Table 2).

With no homicides in 2021, Trois-Rivières and Guelph had the largest decrease in homicide rate, followed by Kitchener–Cambridge–Waterloo (-75%). Toronto (117) had the most homicides in 2021. However, as the country’s most populous CMA, it ranked 17th in homicide rates. The CMAs with the largest increase in number of homicides from the previous year were Vancouver (+14), Toronto (+12), and London (+8).

The rate of homicides against Indigenous people remained disproportionately high

The overarching and ongoing legacy of colonization in Canada continues to shape the experiences of Indigenous peoples to this day (Monchalin 2016; National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls, 2019; Palmater, 2014; Razack, 2015; Rudin, 2006). Impacts include widespread socioeconomic marginalization, discrimination, overt and systemic racism, intergenerational trauma, land displacement and persisting settler-colonial attitudes and logic (Comack, 2012; David & Mitchell, 2021; Monchalin, 2016; National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls, 2019; Razack, 2015; Rudin, 2006; Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, 2015). The sum of these experiences plays a crucial role in the fact that First Nations people, Inuit and Métis are over-represented in the Canadian criminal justice system as both victims and accused persons (David & Mitchell, 2021; LaPrairie, 1997; Monchalin, 2016; Roberts & Reid, 2017; Rudin, 2006; Saghbini et al., 2021).^Note 

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In 2021, among the 752 police-reported homicide victims for whom information about Indigenous identity was available, 190 were Indigenous compared with 208 the previous year.^Note  This decrease was related to an 11% drop in the homicide rate, from 10.28 per 100,000 Indigenous people in 2020 to 9.17 per 100,000 in 2021. Nevertheless, this rate was six times higher than that of non-Indigenous people (1.55 per 100,000 non-Indigenous people). Among the Indigenous victims, nearly two-thirds (65%) were First Nations people, 6% were Métis and 5% were Inuit. The Indigenous groups to which the remaining victims belonged were unknown. 

In 2021, 45 Indigenous women were victims of police-reported homicide, an additional three compared with the previous year. Overall, these victims accounted for about one-quarter (24%) of all women in Canada who were victims of homicide, a proportion that has remained similar over the previous 10 years. Nevertheless, the homicide rate for Indigenous women was more than five times higher than that of non-Indigenous women (4.31 per 100,000 Indigenous women versus 0.80 per 100,000 non-Indigenous women).

The number of Indigenous men who were victims of police-reported homicide fell from 166 to 145. This number translates to a homicide rate of 14.13 homicides per 100,000 Indigenous men, which was six times higher compared with non-Indigenous men (2.30 per 100,000 non-Indigenous men). In fact, the homicide rate for Indigenous women was almost two times higher than that of non-Indigenous men.

Among the provinces in 2021, Saskatchewan had the highest number and rate of homicides where the victim was Indigenous (53 Indigenous victims; 25.53 per 100,000 Indigenous people) (Chart 1). Indigenous people accounted for about three-quarters (77%) of victims in the province. By contrast, Indigenous people represented approximately 18% of the population in Saskatchewan in 2021.The homicide rate in this province was 16 times higher for the Indigenous population compared with the non-Indigenous population (1.65 per 100,000 non-Indigenous people). Alberta (41 Indigenous victims; 13.08 per 100,000 Indigenous people) and Manitoba (33 Indigenous victims; 12.15 per 100,000 Indigenous people) had the second and third highest number and rate of homicides. For all three provinces, these rates were significantly higher than the national average.

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Overall, 6 in 10 (61%) Indigenous homicides reported by the police occurred outside of a CMA, while 4 in 10 (39%) occurred in a CMA (74 Indigenous victims). Nevertheless, the homicide rates for Indigenous victims in CMAs (8.82 per 100,000 Indigenous people) and non-CMAs (9.42 per 100,000 Indigenous people) were similar. Winnipeg (21), Edmonton (16) and Regina (10) had the highest number of Indigenous victims among CMAs.

In 2021, close to one-third of homicide victims were racialized people

Evidence shows that racialized people face various experiences impacting their involvement in the criminal justice system as both victims and accused persons. These experiences include overt and systemic racism, discrimination, and structural and individual inequalities such as socioeconomic marginalization (Maynard, 2017; Ontario Human Rights Commission, 2003; Samuels-Wortley 2021; Wang & Moreau, 2022).

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In 2021, among the 762 homicide victims for whom information about racialized status was available, approximately one-third (32%; 247 victims) were identified as being racialized persons and represented a homicide rate of 2.51 per 100,000 racialized people. This rate was 34% higher than the previous year and 38% higher than the rest of the population (1.81).^Note   Among homicide victims against racialized people, approximately half were Black^Note  and nearly one in five were South Asian.^Note 

In 2021, the number of homicides committed against racialized women and men increased from the previous year. It grew from 19 to 46 for racialized women and from 158 to 199 for racialized men. Consequently, their homicide rate increased as well. For racialized women who were victims of homicide, the rate increased from 0.39 to 0.92 per 100,000 racialized women. However, this rate remained lower, compared with non-racialized women (1.03 per 100,000 population). Among racialized men, the 2021 homicide rate rose by 23% to 4.10 per 100,000 racialized men. This was over one and a half times higher than the rate for non-racialized men (2.59 per 100,000 population).

In 2021, Black and South Asian victims accounted for more than half of all homicide victims belonging to a racialized group. Among Black victims, 16% were women and 84% were men. The proportion for Black women is considerably higher, compared with the previous two years (7% in 2019 and 3% in 2020). By comparison, 22% of South Asian victims were women and 78% were men. These proportions were comparable to 2020 data, but the proportion for South Asian men is somewhat larger, compared with 2019 (71%).

In 2021, Ontario recorded 138 homicides where the victims were racialized persons—50 more than in 2020. It was the province with the highest number of racialized victims, followed by British Columbia (38) and Quebec (33). Nevertheless, Nova Scotia (8) had the highest homicide rate where victims were racialized persons at 8.59 per 100,000 racialized people, which was more than three times higher than the national average for racialized people (2.51). In comparison, despite having the highest numbers, Ontario had a homicide rate against racialized people of 2.79 per 100,000 racialized people.

Overall, 9 out of 10 homicides with racialized victims occurred in a CMA. In 2021, Toronto (81), Montréal (31) and Vancouver (28) recorded the highest number of homicides against racialized victims. Still, the homicide rate was almost two times higher in regions outside CMAs for racialized victims (4.29 per 100,000 racialized people) compared with CMAs (2.41).

Shooting was the most common cause of death

In 2021, 40% of homicide victims were killed by a shooting, similar to the proportion seen in 2020 (38%). Stabbings accounted for a further 32% of homicides, beating for 17%. Of firearm-related homicides, handguns were the primary type of firearm used (57%), followed by rifles and shotguns (26%), and firearm-like weapons and firearms where the type was unknown (17%). Almost half (46%) of firearm-related homicides were identified as gang-related.

At the national level, there was an increase in the rate of firearm-related homicide, compared with 2020 (up 6%, from 0.73 to 0.78 per 100,000 population). Among the provinces, Ontario (114) recorded the highest number of firearm-related homicides in 2021—20 more than in 2020. This caused the firearm-related homicide rate in the province to grow by 21%, from 0.64 to 0.77 homicides per 100,000 population. British Columbia (52) and Quebec (30) also saw meaningful increases in their number of firearm-related homicides (+14 and +7, respectively). Regardless, the highest rates of firearm-related homicide were observed in Saskatchewan (1.86), Nova Scotia (1.21), Manitoba (1.01), British Columbia (1.00) and Alberta (0.95), with rates above the firearm-related national average for 2021 (0.78) (Table 3a).

In 2021, Toronto had the highest count (61) of homicides involving a firearm as the primary weapon among CMAs, which was 9 more than in 2020. It was followed by Vancouver (30), Montréal (25) and Edmonton (20). For the second year in a row, the highest firearm-related homicide rate was observed in Regina (2.65). This rate represented a 40% increase from the previous year (1.89) and was well above the previous 10-year average for this CMA (0.94). Halifax (1.74), Kingston (1.73) and Edmonton (1.35) had the next-highest rates (Table 3b).

The weapon was recovered in 29% of firearm-related homicides in 2021

For almost half (45%) of homicides in 2021 where a firearm was the primary weapon, and for which information was available, the weapon was classified as restricted.^Note  For more than one-third (35%) of homicides, the weapon was classified as prohibited. This information should be interpreted with caution, given the high percentage of homicides for which information about firearm classification was unknown (40%). The weapon was recovered in 29% of firearm-related homicides (84 homicides). Among those, 20% of rifles and shotguns were semi-automatic, compared with 90% of handguns. No recovered firearms were reported as fully automatic in 2021.

Among homicides where the information was available (68 firearm-related homicides), the firearm was owned by the accused person at the time of the incident in 85% of these cases. However, this information should be interpreted with caution as in most firearm-related homicides, information on the ownership of the firearm at the time of the incident was unknown (77% of firearm-related homicides).  In terms of the legality of the ownership, the firearm used was not legally owned at the time of the incident for 82% of firearm-related homicides (96 homicides). Again, this information should be interpreted with caution, given the high percentage (61%) of firearm-related homicides for which information on legal ownership was not available. Finally, in 90% of firearm-related homicides for which the information was available, the accused person did not possess a valid firearm licence for the classification of firearms used in the incident (103 homicides). This information was missing for 61% of firearm-related homicides.

Highest gang-related homicide rate since comparable data became available

In 2021, there were 33 more gang-related homicides compared to the previous year, for a total of 184. Overall, gang-related homicides continued to account for nearly one-quarter (23%) of all homicides. This most recent increase resulted in the highest rate (0.48 per 100,000 population) recorded in Canada since comparable data were first collected in 2005. Three-quarters (74%) of gang-related homicides were committed with a firearm, most (65%) of those with a handgun.

This change was attributable to increases in several provinces and territories. Specifically, there were 13 additional gang-related homicides in Ontario compared with the previous year (an increase from 52 to 65 gang-related homicides) and a similar increase in British Columbia (an increase from 26 to 39 gang-related homicides). Quebec (21 gang-related homicides; +6), Nova Scotia (5 gang-related homicides; +5), Saskatchewan (25 gang-related homicides; +2), New Brunswick (2 gang-related homicides; +2) and Yukon (1 gang-related homicide; +1) also saw increases in 2021, compared with 2020.

Decreases in the number of gang-related homicides were observed in Alberta (23 gang-related homicides; -6) and Manitoba (3 gang-related homicides; -2). Newfoundland and Labrador recorded no homicides involving gang activities, down from one in 2020. Prince Edward Island, Northwest Territories and Nunavut had no gang-related homicides for a second consecutive year.

The highest gang-related homicide rate in 2021 among provinces was observed in Saskatchewan at 2.12 per 100,000 population, a 9% increase from the previous year. It was followed by British Columbia with a rate of 0.75, representing a 48% increase compared with 2020. In 2021, both provinces had rates above the national average for gang-related homicides (0.48 per 100,000 population) (Table 4a).

The highest number of gang-related homicides in 2021 were recorded in the CMAs of Toronto (30), Vancouver (29), and Montréal (19). Compared to the previous year, the largest increase in the number of homicides involving gangs were reported in Vancouver (+13) and Montréal (+11), followed by Ottawa (+6). Compared to 2020, the largest decrease in gang-related homicide was reported in Calgary (-8), Saskatoon (-5) and Winnipeg (-3).

Regina had the highest gang-related homicide rate in 2021 among CMAs at 3.03 per 100,000 population, a rate about 2.7 times higher than in 2020 (1.14) and well above its previous 10-year average (1.10). This recent rise in rate was caused by an increase in the number of gang-related homicides from 2020 to 2021 (from 3 to 8 gang-related homicides). Thunder Bay (2.41) and Vancouver (1.05) had the second- and third-highest gang-related homicide rate. The average gang-related homicide rate for all CMAs increased by 21%, from 0.42 to 0.51 from 2020 to 2021 (Table 4b).

Gendered analysis of homicides

Since national data on homicides became available in 1961, police-reported data show that homicide victims have been predominantly men. The 2021 data make no exception to this trend, with 586 victims being men or boys, compared with 197 women or girls (75% and 25%, respectively).^Note  This difference is noteworthy, given that each gender made up approximately half of Canada’s population that same year (Statistics Canada, 2022). The homicide rate for men was 3.1 per 100,000 men, compared with 1.0 per 100,000 women. While explanations for this disproportionality are multifaceted and complex, the following section offers a gendered analysis exploring differences between men and women who are victims of homicide across select dimensions.

Victims are mainly young adults, but young girls and older women are overrepresented among women and girls who were victims of homicide

Over a 10 years span (i.e., 2012 to 2021), there are marked differences in the average distribution of women and men who were victims of homicide according to their age (Chart 2). Among women and girls who were victims of homicide, the proportion who were aged 11 and younger is three times greater than that of men and boys of the same age (7% and 3%, respectively).

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Among young adult victims, men are particularly prominent. Those aged 18 to 24 accounted for one out of every five men and boys who were victims of homicide, approximately twice the proportion than for women and girls. The proportion of men remains higher among age groups until about ages 30 to 34. In subsequent age groups, women and men share a similar distribution. However, the proportion of women in older age groups (7%) is somewhat higher compared with the proportion of men (6%), starting at about 50 to 54 years. At age 70 and older, the proportion of women is 10% compared with 4% for men.

Gendered differences were also observed in homicide rates across age groups. A data analysis of the homicide rate ratio of men to women at every age group showed that in 2021, the homicide rate for men was higher than that for women, both overall and at almost every age group (Chart 3). For example, at the highest point, men aged 30 to 34 were victims of homicide at a rate 4.8 times higher than women of the same age, and 4.6 times higher at ages 18 to 24. By contrast, among the youngest age group—victims aged 11 years and younger—the homicide rate among girls was 1.5 times higher than boys the same age. This represents the only age group where the homicide rate was higher among women or girls than among men or boys in 2021.

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Higher proportion of women killed because of frustration, anger and despair compared to men

Historically, the relationship between the accused and victims of homicide is another area with marked gender differences (Armstrong & Jaffray, 2021; Conroy, 2021; Stöckl et al., 2013). In 2021, more than 7 in 10 women who were victims of homicide were killed by a spouse, an intimate partner or a family member. Specifically, spouses and intimate partners made up 44% of accused-victim relationships when the victim is a woman. These trends are consistent with the previous 10-year average (Table 5).

A 2013 global study of 66 countries suggests that the proportion of women who are victims of spousal and intimate partner homicide is, on average, six times greater than the proportion for men around the world (Stöckl et al., 2013). In 2021, the proportion of women who were killed by their spouse or intimate partner in Canada was approximately seven times greater, compared with that of men (44% and 7%, respectively). This difference is even more pronounced when observing the previous 10-year average (nine times greater). Overall, in 2021, among spousal and intimate partner homicide victims in Canada, 76% were women while 24% were men.

The average between 2012 and 2021 shows that among women who were victims of homicide, 28% were reportedly killed out of frustration, anger and despair, compared with 10% for men (Chart 4). The proportion of women killed because of jealousy and envy was more than three times greater than that of men (10% and 3%, respectively).

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Contrastingly, more than half (60%) of men who were victims of homicide were killed by an acquaintance or someone with whom they had a criminal relationship compared to 19% for women in 2021. Furthermore, 18% were killed by a stranger, more than double the proportion for victims who were women (8%). Again, these trends are consistent with the previous 10-year average.

The average between 2012 and 2021 shows a little more than one-third of men who were victims were killed because of an argument or a quarrel, compared with 27% for women. The proportion of men killed for the settling of accounts or debts was more than five times greater, compared with that of women (15% and 3%, respectively).

For both women and men who were victims of homicide, the accused person is most often a man. In 2021, there were 545 men (87%) accused of homicide, compared with 83 women (13%). This proportion has remained consistent since the inception of the Homicide Survey in 1961. Furthermore, the 10-year average (i.e., 2012 to 2021) suggests that individuals accused of homicide are often young adults—more than half of them were between the ages of 18 and 34 for both men and women (62% and 58%, respectively).

Victims involved in homicides related to gang activities and the illegal drug trade almost exclusively men

Previous studies suggest that the nature of violent victimization incidents differs between men and women (Cotter & Savage, 2019; Lauritsen & Heimer, 2008). This is also the case when it comes to the contextual characteristics of homicide incidents.

In 2021, approximately 3 in 10 men who were victims of homicide were involved in a gang-related homicide incident, compared with 6% of women in the same situation. Similar proportions were observed for victims involved in homicide incidents related to the illegal drug trade (30% and 11%, respectively). Still, victims involved in a gang-related homicide were almost exclusively men (94%), a proportion which remains consistent across the previous 10-year average. Similarly, 89% of victims involved in an incident related to the illegal drug trade were men. The same proportion was observed over the previous 10-year average.

Differences were also observed in the primary method used to commit homicide. In 2021, 23% of women who were victims of homicide were killed by shooting, compared with 45% of men. This proportion was consistent with the previous 10-year average for women (22%), but it is somewhat higher for men (39%). The proportion of women killed by strangulation, suffocation or drowning was approximately seven times higher than that of men in 2021 (13% and 2%, respectively). This result is somewhat higher than the previous 10-year average for women (i.e., five times more often). In 2021, homicides by beating were also proportionally more common among victims who were women (23% compared with 16% for men). The proportion of homicides by stabbings was similar for both men and women, at roughly one-third of their respective total homicides.

Finally, the proportion of women who were victims of homicide in 2021, who were reported as a missing person at the time of their death, was almost twice that of men (12% and 7%, respectively). Among Indigenous victims, 11% of women were reported as missing at the time of their death, compared with 6% of men.

Summary of the gendered analysis of homicides

In sum, this gendered analysis reveals that the nature of homicides is significantly different between women and men. First, while in both cases victims are generally young adults, women are overrepresented compared with men among youths and children victim as well as victims in older age groups. Second, the nature of homicides was another area with marked differences. While women who were victims of homicide were generally killed by a spouse, an intimate partner or family member, men were killed more often by an acquaintance, someone with whom they had a criminal relationship, or a stranger. Furthermore, men who were victims of homicides involving gang activities or the illegal drug trade are overrepresented, compared with women in the same situation. The primary method used to commit homicide and the apparent motives differed meaningfully between women and men, as well as the “missing” status of victims. Accordingly, a comprehensive understanding of homicides requires careful consideration of the diverging experience of women and men when it comes to these violent crimes.

Homicide clearances

When police report laying or recommending a charge of homicide against at least one accused person, or report clearing a homicide by other means (e.g., the suicide of the accused person), these homicides are considered solved (or “cleared”).^Note  Homicides can be solved immediately following the incident, or they may be solved months or years after they occur. Studies suggest that several factors may impact the clearance of homicides by police services (Braga et al., 2019; Cotter, 2014; Trussler, 2010). Accordingly, the following section explores various trends in the clearance of homicides in Canada by examining how select characteristics of incidents and victims intersect with the time it takes for homicides to be solved.

As of December 31, 2021, there were 525 homicides solved out of the 788 reported that year. This translated to a solved rate of 67%, which is lower than the corresponding rate in 2020. It should be noted that during subsequent data collection cycles, outstanding unsolved homicides may be cleared, which would then increase the solve rate for homicides reported in 2021, as well as any other year prior.

Data from 2017 to 2021 suggest that the average time for a homicide to be solved was 36 days. However, approximately half of homicides were solved within the first few days: 28% of homicides were solved the day the incident was reported as a homicide by police, 41% were solved after one day and 50% after five days. Within the first 100 days of investigation, 64% of homicides were cleared by police.

On average, homicides resulting from a shooting take the longest to solve

The average time before a homicide is solved varies significantly based on the primary method used to commit it (Chart 5). Shooting, stabbing and beating are generally the main method used, accounting for 88% of all homicides over the last five years. However, the time that elapsed before these homicides were solved varies. Data from 2017 to 2021 show that homicide by shooting takes the longest to solve. Although more than one-quarter (28%) were cleared within one day of the homicide being reported, 47% were solved within 100 days. By contrast, 70% of homicides by beating and 84% of homicides by stabbing were solved within 100 days. In fact, three-quarters of homicides by stabbing were cleared within 10 days from when the incident was reported as a homicide by the police.

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Previous findings on gang-related homicides suggest they tend to be more difficult to solve (Braga et al., 2019; Cotter, 2014; Trussler, 2010). Data from the last five years corroborate these observations. Approximately one-third of homicides unrelated to gangs were solved on the day the incident was reported, while by 100 days, 27% of gang-related homicides were reported as solved. By that same point in time, three-quarters of homicides unrelated to gangs were solved.

Differences were also observed based on whether the victim was considered a missing person at the time of their death. Data from 2017 to 2021 show that half of the homicides where the victim was not reported as missing were solved after four days, it took nearly 100 days before the same proportion of homicides was solved when the victim was considered missing (92 days). Overall, over the last five years, 7% of homicide victims were considered missing at the time of their death.

Finally, location was also found to be a key factor impacting the time it takes for homicides to be cleared (Trussler, 2010). Data from the last five years show that homicides in urban areas take longer to solve, compared with homicides in rural communities. While in both cases, more than a quarter of homicides were solved on the date the incident was reported by police (27% in urban areas and 30% in rural areas), half (50%) of homicides in urban areas were solved by the eighth day following the reported incident, and over half (55%) of homicides in rural areas were solved by the second day. By 100 days, 61% of urban homicides were solved, compared with 72% in rural areas.

Homicides involving victims who are Indigenous women are cleared at a slower rate than that of those who are non-Indigenous women

The average time it takes for a homicide to be solved varies by the Indigenous identity of the victim. Data between 2017 and 2021 show that while about half of homicides (51%) involving an Indigenous victim were solved within two days, it took up to seven days for a similar proportion of homicides (50%) to be solved when it involved non-Indigenous victims. Within the first 100 days, 71% of homicides of Indigenous people were solved, compared with 61% of homicides of non-Indigenous people (Chart 6).

These trends vary significantly when accounting for the gender of Indigenous victims. Data from 2017 to 2021 show that when it comes to Indigenous women victims, one-quarter (25%) of homicides of Indigenous women were solved on the day the incident was reported by police, compared with 44% for victims who were non-Indigenous women. By 100 days, approximately 8 in 10 homicides (82%) involving a non-Indigenous women were solved, compared with 72% for Indigenous women. Within the same timeframe, 54% of homicides involving non-Indigenous men and 71% of homicides involving Indigenous men were solved (Chart 6).

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As detailed above, several factors may impact the time it takes for a homicide to be cleared, including the location where the incident occurred, the primary weapon used to commit the homicide, and whether or not a victim was reported missing. Furthermore, data over the years show that context of homicides against Indigenous victims often differ from that of non-Indigenous victims (e.g., accused-victim relationships, missing status, age of victims) (Armstrong & Jaffray, 2021; Roy & Marcellus, 2019). Research also shows that the legacy of colonialism shapes the experiences of Indigenous people when it comes to the criminal justice system (Comack, 2012; David & Mitchell, 2021; Monchalin, 2016; National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls, 2019; Razack, 2015; Rudin, 2006; Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, 2015). Accordingly, any explanations for disparities in the time elapsed before a homicide is solved between Indigenous and non-Indigenous victims should take into account the several converging factors which could underlie these differences.

Homicides involving racialized victims are solved at a slower rate, compared with the rest of the population

Data over the last three years (i.e., 2019 to 2021)^Note  show that it took longer for homicides involving racialized victims to be solved. A little more than half of homicides (52%) involving the rest of the population were solved within the first two days following the reported incidents. Contrastingly, half of homicides (50%) against racialized victims were solved by 53 days. Furthermore, 53% of homicides involving a racialized victim were solved within 100 days, compared with 68% for victims from the rest of the population (Chart 7).

Gender plays an important role, too. Within 100 days, 47% of homicides involving racialized men were solved, compared with 65% involving men from the rest of the population. During the same period, 85% of homicides involving racialized women were solved, compared with 76% of homicides involving the rest of the women population (Chart 7).

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It should be noted that comparisons should be avoided between racialized victims and the other characteristics examined in this section, given that the data presented above are based on different timeframes. The clearance of homicides is time-sensitive, as it can take months or years before they are solved. The collection of information on the racialized groups of homicide victims only began in 2019. Furthermore, explanations for disparities between racialized victims and the rest of the population should take into account other potential factors which could underlie these differences.

Summary of the homicide clearance analysis

Various factors may impact the time it takes for a homicide to be cleared. Specifically, the context of the homicide contributes to this timeframe, including the characteristics of the victims, the primary method used to cause death, whether or not homicides are related to gang activities, and where the homicide occurred in terms of urban and rural geography. The characteristics of victims were also observed to be meaningful in the clearance of homicides, including gender as well as Indigenous identity and racialized groups. Accordingly, understanding the occurrence of homicides and the process by which police services solve these violent crimes require consideration for the context of these incidents and the characteristics of victims.

Homicides in urban and rural communities

In 2021, homicides in rural communities represented approximately one-fifth of all homicides in the country (19%), a proportion which has remained relatively stable over the last decade. However, despite urban areas having more homicides in absolute number, the rate was almost 1.3 times higher in rural communities (2.58 versus 1.97 per 100,000 population). Research suggests that although violent crimes are often thought of as a typically urban phenomenon, these types of incidents do significantly impact people living in rural Canada. Furthermore, the nature of these violent crimes and the characteristics of the people experiencing them often differs (Allen, 2018; Hogg & Carrington, 1999; Perreault, 2019; Rotenberg, 2019; Wendt, 2016). The following section examines some of these differences.

On average, the proportion of women who were victims of homicide was greater in rural communities, compared with urban areas

Data over 10 years (i.e., 2012 to 2021) show that the proportion of women who were victims of homicide was greater in rural communities than urban areas (32% versus to 25%). However, the overall average age of victims was comparable, with 37 years old in urban areas and 38 years old in rural areas. When accounting for gender, there is a five-year difference between women (41 years) and men (36 years) in the average age of victims in urban areas. In rural areas, the average age of victims was similar between genders, with 38 years old for men and 39 years old for women.

The Indigenous identity of homicide victims is another area with marked differences. While 17% of homicide victims from 2012 to 2021 in urban communities were Indigenous, just over half (53%) of rural victims were Indigenous. Among urban Indigenous victims, a quarter were Indigenous women (25%), a proportion somewhat smaller, compared with rural Indigenous victims (30%). Among non-Indigenous victims living in rural areas, 40% were women, compared with 26% of non-Indigenous victims living in an urban setting.

Victims in rural communities were somewhat more often reported as missing at the time of their death, compared with urban homicide victims from 2012 to 2021 (11% and 7%, respectively). Furthermore, a greater proportion of urban homicide victims were involved in illegal activities than rural homicide victims (31% versus 20%).

Higher proportion of spousal and intimate partner homicides in rural communities compared with urban areas over the last 10 years

Homicides involving a spousal or intimate-partner relationship between the victim and the accused accounted for a larger proportion of homicides in rural communities over the past 10 years (i.e., 2012 to 2021). They accounted for 23% in rural areas and 17% in urban areas. Homicides involving a family member also made up a higher proportion in rural communities at 26%, compared with 17% in urban areas. While homicides by an acquaintance had similar proportions between the two regions, homicides by a stranger were more common in urban communities than in rural areas (19% versus 6%).

When disaggregating by gender, among women victims of homicide in rural areas, the proportion of women who were killed by a spouse or an intimate partner was somewhat higher than that of women in urban communities (49% versus 44%). This difference is accentuated when accounting for the homicide rate. In rural areas, women who were victims had a spousal and intimate-partner homicide rate more than double that of women in urban areas (0.69 versus 0.30 per 100,000 population) (Chart 8).

Chart 8 start

Chart 8 end

Data over 10 years show that the primary method used to commit homicide differs between urban and rural regions. Homicides by shooting are more common in urban communities than in rural communities (38% and 30%, respectively). While accounting for the largest proportion of homicides in urban areas, shooting ranked second among methods used in rural areas. Homicides by beating represented 26% of rural homicides, compared with 17% in urban areas.

Almost three-quarters of homicides (73%) by shooting were committed using a rifle or a shotgun in rural communities from 2012 to 2021. By comparison, 65% were committed using a handgun in urban areas. Handguns were used in 18% of homicides that occurred in rural areas, while 21% of urban homicides were committed with a rifle or a shotgun. The remaining homicides were either the result of other firearm-like weapons (0.5% in both urban and rural communities) or a firearm where the type was unknown (14% in urban areas and 9% in rural areas).

Data over 10 years show that most homicide victims (74%) in rural communities are killed in a residential location, which includes houses (87%) and dwelling units (12%). By comparison, 41% of urban homicide victims were killed in a non-residential area, among which 38% were killed on a street, road or highway; 18% in a parking lot; and 15% in an open area, such as parks, playgrounds, fields or bodies of water. Among rural homicide victims, 35% of homicides occurred on a reserve.^Note 

Summary of homicides in urban and rural communities

The analysis corroborates research suggesting that the nature and the characteristics of homicide victims often differ between urban and rural communities. Specifically, the composition of homicide victims in terms of gender, age and Indigenous identity varied based on the urban-rural geography of incidents. Furthermore, the type of relationship between the accused and the victim, the primary method of committing homicide and the location of incident also differed between urban and rural homicides. Accordingly, although more homicides occur in urban areas, those in rural communities require careful consideration to fully understand the occurrence of these violent crimes.

Conclusion

While homicides in Canada remain a relatively rare event, the impact of these violent crimes on the well-being of individuals and communities is highly consequential. Accordingly, studying the incidence and characteristics of homicides is crucial—the current report showed that the number and rate of homicide in Canada increased in 2021 from the previous year.

In 2021, police services from across Canada reported 788 homicides. This was 29 more than the previous year. Saskatchewan recorded the highest rate among the provinces (5.93 per 100,000 population), representing a 9% increase from 2020 and a third consecutive yearly increase. At the national level, the rate of firearm-related homicide was up 6% compared with 2020 (from 0.73 to 0.78). Overall, gang-related homicides continued to account for about one-quarter (23%) of all homicides. However, in 2021, the rate was the highest recorded in Canada since comparable data were first collected in 2005 (0.48 per 100,000 population).

Across three themes, data in the current report showed that homicides are not a uniform type of violent crime. They also showed that the characteristics of homicides often differ based on the gender of the victim, that various factors impact the time it takes for police services to solve homicides, and that the nature of these violent crimes often differs in urban and rural areas.

For instance, in 2021, more than 7 in 10 women who were victims of homicide were killed by a spouse, an intimate partner or a family member. Specifically, spouses and intimate partners made up 44% of accused-victim relationships when the victim is a woman. Furthermore, homicides by shooting take the longest to be solved, compared with other primary methods. Although data from 2017 to 2021 show that more than one-quarter of homicides were cleared within one day of being reported (28%), only 47% of these homicides were reported as solved within 100 days. Finally, homicides involving a spousal or intimate-partner relationship between the victim and the accused accounted for a larger proportion of homicides in rural communities over the last 10 years (i.e., 2012 to 2021).

A comprehensive understanding of homicides in Canada requires careful consideration regarding the various dimensions underlying their occurrence.

Detailed data tables

Table 1a Number of homicides, by province and territory, 1992 to 2021

Table 1b Rate of homicides, by province and territory, 1992 to 2021

Table 2 Homicides, by census metropolitan area, 2020 and 2021

Table 3a Firearm-related homicides, by province or territory, 2020 and 2021

Table 3b Firearm-related homicides, by census metropolitan area, 2020 and 2021

Table 4a Gang-related homicides, by province or territory, 2020 and 2021

Table 4b Gang-related homicides, by census metropolitan area, 2020 and 2021

Table 5 Homicides, by closest accused to victim relationship and gender, Canada, 2021

Survey description

The Homicide Survey collects police-reported data on the characteristics of all homicide incidents, victims and accused persons in Canada. The Homicide Survey began collecting information on all murders in 1961 and was expanded in 1974 to include all incidents of manslaughter and infanticide. Although details on these incidents are not available prior to 1974, counts are available from the Uniform Crime Reporting Survey (UCR) and are included in the historical aggregate totals.

When a homicide becomes known to police, the investigating police service completes the survey questionnaires, which are then sent to Statistics Canada. There are cases where homicides become known to police months or years after they occurred. These incidents are counted in the year they become known to police (based on the report date). Information on persons accused of homicide is only available for solved incidents (i.e., where at least one accused has been identified). Accused characteristics are updated as homicide cases are solved, and new information is submitted to the Homicide Survey. Information collected through the victim and incident questionnaires is also updated accordingly when a case is solved. For incidents involving more than one accused, only the relationship between the victim and the closest accused is recorded.

Because of revisions to the Homicide Survey database, annual data reported by the Homicide Survey prior to 2015 may not match the annual homicide counts reported by the UCR. Data from the Homicide Survey are appended to the UCR database each year for the reporting of annual police-reported crime statistics. Each reporting year, the UCR includes revised data reported by police for the previous survey year. In 2015, a review of data quality was undertaken for the Homicide Survey for all survey years from 1961 to 2014. The review included the collection of incident, victim, and charged and suspect-chargeable records that were previously unreported to the Homicide Survey. In addition, the database excludes deaths and associated accused records, which are not deemed as homicides by police any longer (i.e., occurrences of self-defence, suicide, criminal negligence causing death that had originally been deemed, but no longer considered homicides, by police). For operational reasons, these revisions were not applied to the UCR.

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