Police-reported crime statistics in Canada, 2017

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Since 1962, Statistics Canada has collected information on all criminal incidents reported by Canadian police services through its annual Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) Survey.^Note In addition to the UCR Survey, Statistics Canada also collects information on victims of crime through the General Social Survey (GSS) on Canadians’ Safety (Victimization), conducted every five years. Unlike the UCR Survey, the GSS on Victimization collects data on victims’ self-reported experiences with crime which include incidents that may not have been brought to the attention of the police. These complementary surveys are the main sources of data on crime in Canada.

This Juristat article presents findings from the 2017 UCR Survey.^Note In order to make comparisons across police services and over time, crime counts within the article are based on the most serious violation in a criminal incident (see “Key terminology and definitions”). This article explores trends in the volume and severity of police-reported crime at the national, provincial/territorial and census metropolitan area levels. In addition, the article presents more detailed information on changes in violent and non-violent criminal offences as well as impaired driving and drug offences. Finally, the article looks at trends in youth accused of crime.^Note

Police-reported crime statistics within the context of 2017

Police-reported crime statistics are based on what is reported to the police and are affected by large-scale criminal events, social movements or changes in legislation, policies and procedures (Text box 3). There were a few particularly significant events that occurred in Canada in 2017 that provide context to the national statistics that year.

In January 2017, a mass shooting occurred at the Islamic Cultural Centre of Quebéc. The attack resulted in six homicides and 40 attempted murders (Perreaux 2018; Mathieu 2017). This incident accounts for increases in attempted murder rates not only for Québec (the city) and the province of Quebec, but for the nation. Also during 2017, there was significant attention in news reports and social media such as #MeToo and Time’s Up that raised awareness of the prevalence of sexual assault and sexual harassment and demanded accountability. This public attention may have resulted in more victims deciding to report their victimization to police (see, for example, Coubrough 2018; Winiewski 2017; Laframboise 2017). In addition, media reports on the differences in how police classify sexual assaults as founded or unfounded resulted in file reviews by police and renewed commitment to victims (Doolittle 2017; Doolittle et al. 2017; Canadian Association of Chiefs of Police 2017). These events may have contributed to increases in reported sexual assaults across many parts of Canada for 2017. In this context, a detailed examination of the increase in police-reported sexual assault is planned for release in Fall 2018.

Police-reported crime in Canada

Canada’s Crime Severity Index increased for third year in a row

The Crime Severity Index (CSI) measures both the volume and severity of police-reported crime in Canada and has a base index value of 100 for 2006 (see Text box 1). Canada’s CSI increased 2% from 71.7 in 2016 to 72.9 in 2017, marking the third consecutive annual increase (Table 1a). Between 1998 and 2014, Canada’s CSI steadily declined, with the exception of a 3% increase reported in 2003. In 2015, the CSI increased 5%, followed by smaller increases in 2016 and 2017 (Chart 1). Despite these recent increases, the 2017 CSI was 24% lower than a decade prior in 2007.

The 2% rise in the CSI in 2017 was the result of increases in police-reported rates of numerous offences, most notably sexual assault (level 1), possession of stolen property, motor vehicle theft, and homicide. A 2% decline in the rate of breaking and entering mitigated the impact of these increases on the CSI. As noted above, increased public attention to issues of sexual assault as well as changes in the response by police to accusations of sexual assault may have contributed to the increase in reported sexual assaults for 2017.

At 5,334 incidents per 100,000 population, the police-reported crime rate—which measures the volume of crime per 100,000 population—increased 1% in 2017 (Table 1b). Like the CSI, Canada’s crime rate was on a downward trend until a 3% increase in 2015, with small increases since (Chart 2). Canada’s 2017 crime rate was 23% lower than in 2007.

Canadian police services reported over 1.9 million Criminal Code incidents (excluding traffic) in 2017, almost 45,300 more incidents than in 2016. In addition to these incidents, there were about 125,400 Criminal Code traffic offences, about 90,600 Controlled Drugs and Substances Act offences, and almost 30,800 other federal statute violations (such as the Youth Criminal Justice Act and the Income Tax Act) recorded by police in 2017. In total, there were just over 2.2 million police-reported Criminal Code and “other federal statute” incidents in 2017.

Although the CSI and the crime rate are separate measures, with the CSI accounting not only for volume but also changes in the relative severity of police-reported crime (see Text box 1), both measures show similar trends in police-reported crime in Canada since 1998, the earliest year for which the CSI was calculated.

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Nine of thirteen provinces and territories reported increases in Crime Severity Index

Between 2016 and 2017, nine of Canada’s thirteen provinces and territories reported increases in their CSI. In order of magnitude, the provinces which reported increases were: New Brunswick (+11%), Nova Scotia (+6%), Alberta (+5%), Ontario (+5%), Manitoba (+3%), and Quebec (+2%) (Table 2a). The Northwest Territories had a 2% increase, and Yukon and Nunavut reported 1% increases in their CSIs. The notable increase in CSI in New Brunswick was mostly the result of increases in fraud and breaking and entering; in Nova Scotia, fraud, followed by homicide and sexual assault (level 1) were the main contributors to the increase. Increases in sexual assault (level 1) were also important contributors to increased CSIs in Quebec, Ontario and the Northwest Territories.

As in previous years, a change in the rate of breaking and entering was a contributing factor behind increases or decreases in CSIs for almost all provinces and territories (see Text box 2). In Newfoundland and Labrador, a large decrease in the rate of breaking and entering (-21%) was the main contributor to the 9% drop in the CSI. It was also the main driver of the 5% decrease in British Columbia. In Prince Edward Island, a 7% CSI drop was the result of notable decreases in fraud, theft of $5,000 or under as well as breaking and entering.

In Saskatchewan, decreases in homicide, fraud, and breaking and entering contributed to a 6% decline in the CSI. The decrease in the CSI in Saskatchewan is also partly attributable to a change in the classification of some incidents involving alcohol consumption on a dry reserve. These incidents were previously reported by some police services as violations under the Indian Act and included in “other federal statues”. In 2017, these detachments were advised that the Federal Prosecutors will no longer prosecute Indigenous community by-law infractions under the Indian Act; therefore, these detachments started reporting these types of offences as mischief or disturbing the peace under the Criminal Code, which have a lower weight in the CSI than federal statute offences. A 48% increase in violent firearms offences slightly offset the decrease in CSI in Saskatchewan.

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Similar to previous years, CSI values and crime rates were highest in the Territories (Table 2b). In all three territories, a large part of the difference between the territorial and the national CSI can be explained by relatively high numbers of incidents of mischief, which accounted for 35% of Criminal Code incidents (excluding traffic) in the Territories (compared to 13% nationally). The Northwest Territories and Nunavut reported the highest CSIs (303.8 and 297.6, respectively) and crime rates (40,914 and 34,948 incidents per 100,000 population, respectively).

Despite some fluctuations over the years, almost all provinces and territories reported lower CSIs and lower crime rates in 2017 than in 2007 (Charts 3 to 6). Only Yukon reported a higher CSI in 2017 than 10 years before. The CSI for Yukon was 2% higher than in 2007 and there was no change in the crime rate. The increase in CSI was primarily the result of the 8 homicides reported by Yukon in 2017 compared to 2 in 2007. While the CSI for Nunavut was 6% lower than in 2007, the crime rate was 16% higher.^Note

Rural rates of police-reported crime are higher than urban rates

In 2017, 17% of Canada’s population was served by rural police services.^Note However, 25% of violent crime, 18% of property crime and 24% of other Criminal Code offences were reported by rural police. Overall, 21% of crime in 2017 took place in rural Canada.

At the national level, the rate of crime is higher among rural populations. The rate of violent crime was 63% higher in rural communities than in urban areas in 2017 (1,620 versus 995). In addition, the rate of property crime was 10% higher (3,523 versus 3,190 incidents per 100,000 population) and the rate of other Criminal Code offences was 61% higher (1,447 versus 897). As a result, the overall crime rate in 2017 was 30% higher in rural than in urban areas (6,591 versus 5,082 incidents per 100,000 population).

Overall, urban and rural crime in Canada have followed similar trends since 2009. Between 2016 and 2017, the rural crime rate declined 1% while urban crime increased 2%. Violent, property and other crime all decreased in rural areas, while rates among urban populations increased.

Higher rate of rural crime in Manitoba, Alberta and Saskatchewan

In 2017, relatively high rural crime rates were reported in Manitoba (42% higher than the province’s urban crime rate), Alberta (38% higher) and Saskatchewan (36% higher).Together, these three provinces accounted for 47% of Canada’s rural crime in 2017. In particular, Saskatchewan and Manitoba each accounted for 7% of Canada’s rural population, but 15% and 12% of rural crime, respectively. Similarly, Alberta accounted for 12% of the rural population, but 21% of rural crime.

In Manitoba and Saskatchewan, the high rates of rural crime were the results of higher rates of all types of crime (violent, property and other crime). In Alberta, however, the difference was largely due to high rates of property crime.

Newfoundland and Labrador was the only other province to report a rural crime rate that was notably higher than the urban crime rate in 2017 (11% higher). In Quebec, rural crime was slightly higher than urban crime in 2017 (1% higher).

More than half of Canada’s census metropolitan areas recorded increases in the severity of police-reported crime

Between 2016 and 2017, more than half of Canada’s census metropolitan areas (CMAs) reported increases in their CSI (Table 3).^Note The largest increases in CSI were recorded in the CMAs of Greater Sudbury (+25%), Moncton (+15%), Guelph (+15%), and Kitchener-Cambridge-Waterloo (+14%). Among other offences, breaking and entering and fraud were important contributors to the increases in all of these CMAs (see Table 5). Relatively large increases in sexual assault (level 1) had an impact on CSIs—either driving increases or offsetting declines—in Brantford, Kingston, Kitchener-Cambridge-Waterloo, Guelph, London, Gatineau, Montréal, Sherbrooke, and Halifax.

The largest decreases in CSI were reported in St. John’s (-15%), Regina (-11%) and Vancouver (-6%). Lower rates of breaking and entering were again important drivers of the changes in all three of these cities. In Regina, a decrease in robbery also contributed to the decline. In Vancouver, in addition to lower rates of breaking and entering, declines in theft of $5,000 or under and child pornography were also factors in the city’s lower CSI for 2017. Decreases in CSIs were also reported in Peterborough, Victoria, Kelowna, Saguenay, Abbotsford-Mission, Saskatoon, and Brantford.

The CMAs with the lowest CSIs continued to be Barrie (45.3), Québec (48.5) and Toronto (48.7). While there was no change in the CSI for Barrie in 2017, both Québec and Toronto reported increases (+8% and +3%, respectively). The increase in Québec was partly the result of notable increases in attempted murder and homicide (which are largely attributable to the shooting at the Grand Mosque in Quebéc in January 2017), and fraud. In Toronto, the increase was partly due to increased rates of theft of $5,000 or under, robbery, and breaking and entering.

Saskatoon (115.0), Edmonton (112.3) and Regina (111.9) were the CMAs with the highest CSIs in 2017, as has been the case since 2015 (Chart 7). They also had the highest crime rates in 2017 (Table 4). Relatively high CSIs were also recorded in Winnipeg (106.9), Kelowna (98.2), Abbotsford-Mission (88.8), and Vancouver (88.2).

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Violent crime

In 2017, violent crimes continued to account for about one-fifth (21%) of all police-reported Criminal Code offences (excluding traffic). There were over 403,000 police-reported violent incidents in 2017, almost 15,000 more than the previous year. In 2017, the violent crime rate in Canada was 1,098 violent incidents per 100,000 population, 3% higher than in 2016, but 19% lower than a decade earlier (Table 1b). Rates for most police-reported violent violations increased between 2016 and 2017.

In this article, violent crime refers to those violations in the Criminal Code identified as crimes against the person, as opposed to property crimes and other Criminal Code violations such as offences against the administration of justice.^Note

National violent Crime Severity Index increased 5% in 2017

In 2017, the overall volume and severity of violent crime—as measured by the violent Crime Severity Index (or VCSI)—was 80.3, a 5% increase over 2016, but 18% lower than in 2007. The VCSI fell every year between 2007 and 2014 before increasing in the three following years. More than half of the increase in the VCSI in 2017 was the result of the increases in police-reported sexual assault (level 1), homicide, and robbery.

The volume and severity of violent crime increased in most provinces and territories in 2017, with the exception of Saskatchewan (-5%) and Newfoundland and Labrador (-5%) (Table 2a). In Saskatchewan, the decline was primarily driven by fewer homicides, and offset somewhat by an increase in violent firearms offences such as discharging a firearm with intent. In Newfoundland and Labrador, the lower VCSI was the result of decreases in homicide and robbery, partly offset by an increase in sexual assault (level 1).

The largest increases in VCSI were in Nova Scotia (+11%), Nunavut (+10%), and Yukon (+9%). In Nova Scotia, the increase was due to higher rates of homicide, sexual assault (level 1) and robbery, partially offset by a drop in offenses related to the commodification of sexual activity. In Nunavut and Yukon, the higher VCSIs were primarily attributable to increases in homicide. Homicides also contributed to increased VCSIs in Alberta and Quebec. Increases in rates of sexual assault (level 1) also contributed to increases in VCSI in New Brunswick, Quebec, Ontario, Alberta and the Northwest Territories. Various other offences also contributed to the increases in these jurisdictions. In British Columbia, the VCSI remained stable as increases in homicide and sexual assault (level 1) were offset by a decline in robbery (see Text box 4).

Increases in VCSIs were reported in 24 out of 33 census metropolitan areas (CMAs) (Table 3). Notably large increases were reported in Kingston (+53%), Québec (+24%), Kitchener-Cambridge-Waterloo (+23%), Trois-Rivières (+22%), Greater Sudbury (+20%), and St. Catharines-Niagara (+20%). These large increases were driven by various offences, most often increases in homicide, attempted murder, or sexual offences.

The largest decrease in VCSI among the CMAs was in Regina (-18%) driven by a 34% decrease in robbery as well as a 40% drop in attempted murders. Among the other CMAs which reported decreases in VCSI, the main drivers were declines in homicide (Saint John, Saguenay, Peterborough, and Saskatoon) or robbery (St. John’s, Moncton, Kelowna, and Vancouver).

In 2017, the CMAs with the highest VCSIs were Winnipeg (153.5), Thunder Bay (140.7), Saskatoon (107.9), and Edmonton (107.0). In spite of increases in violent crime, the lowest VCSIs were reported in St. Catharines-Niagara (46.2), Barrie (54.0), and Trois-Rivières (56.8). St. Catharines-Niagara also reported the lowest violent crime rate in 2017 (Table 4; Chart 8).

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National homicide and attempted murder rates both increased in 2017, but varied across the provinces and territories

After little change in 2016, the rate of homicide increased 7% in 2017, moving from 1.69 homicides per 100,000 population to 1.80. Police reported 660 homicides in Canada in 2017, 48 more than the previous year (Table 6). The 2017 homicide rate was higher than the average for the previous decade (1.67 per 100,000 population for 2007 to 2016) (Chart 9).

The increase in the national number of homicides was a result of notable increases in homicides in British Columbia (+30 homicides) and Quebec (+26), partly offset by large decreases reported in Saskatchewan (-17) and Ontario (-10).

As has historically been the case, homicide rates were highest in the Western provinces and the Territories (Table 7; Chart 10). In 2017, Manitoba (3.51 homicides per 100,000 population) recorded the highest homicide rate among the provinces, followed by Saskatchewan (3.18 per 100,000 population) and Alberta (2.75 per 100,000 population).

Because of their small populations, the rate of homicides per 100,000 population tends also to be high in the Territories. This was the case in 2017, when the number of homicides in Yukon increased from 4 homicides in 2016 to 8 in 2017 and resulted in the highest homicide rate (20.80 per 100,000 population) reported in that territory since 2004. In 2017, Nunavut reported 6 homicides (15.79 per 100,000 population), and the Northwest Territories reported 2 (4.49 per 100,000 population).

Prince Edward Island was the only province to report no homicides in 2017. Following Prince Edward Island, the lowest homicide rates in 2017 were reported in Newfoundland and Labrador (0.76 per 100,000 population), Quebec (1.11 per 100,000 population), New Brunswick (1.32 per 100,000 population), and Ontario (1.38 per 100,000 population).

With a total of 7 homicides in 2017, Thunder Bay continued to record the highest homicide rate among the CMAs (5.80 homicides per 100,000 population) (Table 8). Abbotsford-Mission (with 9 homicides), and Edmonton (with 49 homicides) had the next highest homicide rates (4.72 and 3.49 per 100,000 population, respectively). In 2017, Saguenay was the only CMA reporting no homicides.

The attempted murder rate in Canada increased 4% between 2016 and 2017 to 2.25 per 100,000 population. A 25% increase in the province of Quebec was the main contributor of the overall increase in attempted murder in Canada (+49 attempted murders). This increase was due to an additional 38 attempted murders in Québec (the city) which are largely attributable to the shooting at the Islamic Cultural Centre of Québec in January 2017 that resulted in 6 victims of homicide and 40 victims of attempted murder (Perreaux 2018; Mathieu 2017). In contrast, there were 24 fewer attempted murders in Saskatchewan in 2017.

In total, there were 827 attempted murders reported by police in Canada in 2017, 41 more than the previous year. The rate of attempted murder has remained consistently higher than the homicide rate since the 1980s, and these offences have often shown similar trends over time (Chart 9). However, variations were reported across the country. In contrast to the 25% increase in Quebec, notable decreases in attempted murders were reported by Saskatchewan (-38%) and Newfoundland and Labrador (-37%).

More detailed information on the characteristics of homicides is available in “Homicide in Canada, 2016” (David 2017). An update to this article is planned for release in November 2018.

Rate of police-reported sexual assaults notably higher in 2017

Sexual assaults are classified by the Criminal Code into three separate categories depending on the nature and severity of the incident. More specifically, level 1 sexual assault criminalizes assault of a sexual nature that violates the sexual integrity of a person. Sexual assault with a weapon or causing bodily harm (level 2) criminalizes sexual assault that involves a weapon, bodily harm or threats to cause bodily harm to a person. Lastly, aggravated sexual assault (level 3) criminalizes sexual assault which wounds, maims, disfigures or endangers the life of another person.

A recent Juristat article on the characteristics of police-reported sexual assaults examined incidents reported by police between 2009 and 2014. It found that the large majority (87%) of sexual assault victims were females, and 60% of sexual assault victims were females under age 25. Males accounted for 13% of victims of police-reported sexual assaults and, among them, half were aged 13 or younger. The median age of female victims was 18 years, while the median age of male victims was 13 years (Rotenberg 2017).

It is important to note that the number of sexual assaults reported by police is likely an underestimation of the true extent of sexual assault in Canada, as these types of offences often go unreported to police. For instance, self-reported data from the General Social Survey on Canadians’ Safety (Victimization) showed that only 5%^E of sexual assaults experienced by Canadians aged 15 years and older in 2014 were brought to the attention of police. The most common reasons for not reporting a sexual assault to the police were that the victim perceived the crime as minor and not worth taking the time to report (71%), that the incident was a private or personal matter and handled informally (67%), and that no one was harmed during the incident (63%) (Conroy and Cotter 2017) (see Text box 5). In addition, more than 4 in 10 (45%) sexual assault victims stated they did not report the incident to the police because they did not want the hassle of dealing with the police. Similar proportions did not turn to the police because the victims thought the police would not have considered the incident important enough (43%), because of a lack of evidence (43%) and because they believed the offender would not have been adequately punished (40%).

In 2017, there were almost 25,000 police-reported sexual assaults, or 67 incidents per 100,000 population, marking an increase of 13% from 2016 (Chart 11). These incidents represented 6% of violent crimes in 2017. Considerable public discussion of issues around sexual violence took place in 2017, and this may have had an impact on the willingness of victims to report sexual assault incidents to police. Since these incidents typically go unreported according to the General Social Survey on Canadians’ Safety (Victimization), even small increases in the rate of reporting these incidents to police is likely to have a measureable impact on the number of police-reported incidents. In addition, 2017 saw renewed commitment from police to review their response to accusations of sexual assault, including a review of files previously classified as “unfounded” (meaning police had determined that no incident had taken place) (Doolittle et al. 2017; Canadian Centre for Justice Statistics 2018; Greenland and Cotter 2018). Altogether, these shifts in public awareness and police practices may partly explain the increase in the number of police-reported sexual assaults in 2017.

As in previous years, the majority (98%) of police-reported sexual assaults were classified as level 1 sexual assault, which increased 13% in 2017. The rate of sexual assault with a weapon or causing bodily harm (level 2) increased 4% with a total of 417 incidents reported in 2017, or a rate of 1 per 100,000 population. There were 49 more incidents of aggravated sexual assault (level 3) reported to the police in 2017 than in 2016, translating into a rate that was less than 1 per 100,000 population (Table 6).

Between 2016 and 2017, the rate of police-reported sexual assaults (all levels combined) increased in all provinces and territories, with the exception of Yukon (-17%), Nunavut (-6%), Saskatchewan (-5%), and Manitoba (no change). Increases above the national rise were reported in the Northwest Territories (+22%), Quebec (+20%), New Brunswick (+19%), Nova Scotia (+18%), British Columbia (+16%) and Ontario (+15%). In all of these jurisdictions, the increase in sexual assault was an important contributor to an increase in the violent CSI (VCSI).

Police-reported sexual violations against children increased in 2017

While children or youth can be victims of sexual assaults (levels 1, 2 and 3), there are also a number of sexual violations within the Criminal Code that, by definition, apply only to victims under the age of 18. These sexual violations include: sexual interference; invitation to sexual touching; sexual exploitation; making sexually explicit material available to children; luring a child via telecommunications; and agreement or arrangement in order to commit a sexual offence against a child. These are grouped within the Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) Survey as “sexual violations against children.”^Note

In 2017, there were 8,046 incidents of sexual violations against children reported by police: the majority of these (69% or 5,550 incidents) were sexual interference, followed by luring a child via telecommunications (16% or 1,310 incidents). Between 2016 and 2017, the rate of police-reported sexual violations against children increased 8% from 20 to 22 incidents per 100,000 population.^Note

It is important to note that for the violations included in “sexual violations against children”, differences in police-reported statistics between geographic areas or across time may be influenced by levels of reporting to police, as well as by single incidents that include several victims. In addition, some police services dedicate special units to investigate these types of crime, which can also impact differences by geographic areas or changes over time. Similar to sexual assaults in general, the number of sexual violations against children is also expected to be an underestimate due to compounding factors that are likely to impact reporting, such as reliance on an adult to bring the incident to the attention of police (Kuoppamäki et al. 2011; United Nations 2006). In addition, sexual offences against children (including sexual assault) can be delayed in coming to the attention of the police and those reported may have occurred in previous years (Cotter and Beaupré 2012).

In addition to sexual violations against children, the UCR Survey also collects data on accessing or possessing and making or distributing child pornography.^{Note Note} The growth of the Internet has had a considerable impact on the nature of child pornography, particularly on the volume and extent of online distribution and access to images, as well as changes to reporting and investigation. Communities and police have responded with improved tools for identification and reporting of child pornography (Allen 2017). While the number of police-reported child pornography incidents increased slightly from 6,360 incidents in 2016 to 6,521 incidents in 2017, the rate remained at 18 incidents per 100,000 population in 2017.

Third year of reporting new offences related to the commodification of sexual activity shows increases

In 2017, there were 1,106 police-reported incidents of violations related to the commodification of sexual activity, which is categorized as a violent crime or crime against the person. Since being introduced under Bill C-36 in 2015, rates of these offences have been increasing. During this time, police services have adapted their enforcement practices to respond to the new laws which approach prostitution as a form of sexual exploitation (MacIvor 2017).

The number of police-reported commodification of sexual activity offences increased from 759 incidents in 2016 to 1,106 incidents in 2017, marking a 44% increase in the rate (Table 6). This increase was due to more incidents of obtaining sexual services for consideration, which accounted for two-thirds (67%) of all incidents of commodification of sexual activity in 2017.

In contrast, the rate of other prostitution-related offences (categorized as non-violent crime) decreased 32% between 2016 and 2017. The decline was the result of fewer incidents of stopping or impeding traffic for the purpose of offering, providing or obtaining sexual services for consideration as well as communicating to provide sexual services for consideration. In all, 134 incidents of prostitution were reported in 2017.

Non-consensual distribution of intimate images a relatively new crime and reporting continues to increase

In 2017, the rate for the relatively new violation of non-consensual distribution of intimate images, enacted in March 2015 with Bill C-13, continued to increase. In 2017, police reported 1,469 such incidents, compared to 833 in 2016, marking a 74% increase in rate. As with many new criminal offences, these continuing increases may be related to the growing recognition and application by police. The new offence criminalizes publishing, distributing, selling, making available or advertising intimate images without the consent of the person depicted in the image. Reported violations increased from 2016 to 2017 in almost all provinces, with a large increase in Ontario accounting over half of the change seen at the national level. In Ontario, the number of incidents increased from 298 to 664. More incidents in Quebec (183 to 277) also contributed to the increase.

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Increase in overall rate of major physical assault in 2017

Physical assaults, like sexual assaults, are classified by the Criminal Code and the majority fall into one of three separate categories depending on the nature and severity of the incident. Level 1 assault, also referred to as common assault, includes pushing, slapping, punching and face-to-face verbal threats. Assault with a weapon or causing bodily harm (level 2) involves carrying, using or threatening to use a weapon against someone or causing someone bodily harm. Aggravated assault (level 3) involves wounding, maiming, disfiguring or endangering the life of someone. In addition to assault levels 1, 2 and 3, physical assault also includes assault against a peace officer as well as the less frequent “other assaults” of hoax terrorism causing bodily harm (Criminal Code s. 83), bodily harm resulting from failure to safeguard an opening in ice or on land (s. 263), or otherwise unlawfully causing bodily harm (s. 269).

Physical assault continued to be the most prevalent form of police-reported violent crime in Canada in 2017, accounting for close to 6 in 10 (57%) violent offences reported by police. Police reported over 231,000 assaults in 2017, most (71%) of which were classified as common assault (level 1).^Note There were over 3,400 more common assaults in Canada in 2017 than in 2016 representing a 1% increase in rate.

After decreasing steadily between 2007 and 2014, the national rate of major assault (levels 2 and 3 combined) increased in 2017 for the third consecutive year due to higher rates reported in Ontario (+4%) and Alberta (+7%) (Chart 12; Table 7). Specifically, the rate of assault with a weapon or causing bodily harm (level 2) increased by 3%, along with a 1% increase in aggravated assault (level 3). Increases were also recorded in other categories of assault: assault against a peace officer (+3%) and other forms of assault (such as unlawfully causing bodily harm) (+4%) (Table 6).

Recent information from 2016 on police-reported victimization shows that while rates of physical assault are higher among males, females were almost twice as likely to be related to their attacker: 38% of female assault victims in 2016 were victims of family violence compared to 20% of males (Allen and McCarthy 2018; Burczycka and Conroy 2018).

Police-reported robbery rate up in 2017

Robbery is any theft or attempted theft involving violence or the threat of violence. It is a predominantly urban crime and one of the few police-reported offences with higher rates in southern than in northern Canada (Allen and Perreault 2015). There was a general downward trend in robbery starting in 2006 which ended with an increase in 2015. The rate of robbery increased again (+2%) between 2016 and 2017, returning to its 2015 level (62 per 100,000 population) (Chart 12; Table 6). Police reported approximately 22,700 robberies in 2017, about 780 more than the year before.

Changes in the rate of robbery in 2017 varied by province. In Nova Scotia (+14%), Manitoba (+12%), Ontario (+10%), and Alberta (+3%), robbery was a key contributor to increases in the violent CSI (VCSI). Meanwhile, some provinces and territories saw notable decreases in the rate of robbery: Yukon (-50%), British Columbia (-18%), Newfoundland and Labrador (-17%), New Brunswick (-8%), Prince Edward Island (-7%), and the Northwest Territories (-6%).

Changes in rates of robbery also varied considerably by CMA (Table 8). The largest increases in robbery rates were reported in Trois-Rivières (+54%), Guelph (+42%), and Saguenay (+34%). The largest decreases in rates of robbery were reported in Moncton (-37%), Regina (-34%) and Abbotsford-Mission (-30%).

Violent offences specific to firearms increased for third year in a row

The Criminal Code specifies a number of violent offences involving the use of a firearm, including the following: discharge of a firearm with intent; pointing a firearm; and use of a firearm in the commission of an indictable offence.^Note In 2017, 42% of these offences were discharging a firearm with intent. Another 40% were pointing a firearm, and the remaining 18% were the use of a firearm in the commission of an indictable offence.

In 2017, the rate of these violent firearm offences continued to increase for the third year in a row, starting with a notable 26% increase in 2015. The number of these offences increased from 2,534 in 2016 to 2,734 in 2017, marking a 7% increase in rate (Table 6). A 10% increase in the rate of incidents of pointing a firearm (+110 incidents) was the main contributor to the overall increase in the number of incidents nationally, while an 11% increase in the use of a firearm in the commission of an indictable offence (+56) also played a role. There was also a 2% increase in the rate of discharging a firearm with intent (+34 incidents).

Canada’s 2017 increase in the number of these violent firearm offences (+200 incidents) was primarily the result of increases in rates reported in Saskatchewan (+47%, +116 incidents) and Ontario (+10%, +92 incidents). Increases were also reported in New Brunswick (+56%), Nunavut (+29%), and Alberta (+4%). All other provinces and territories reported declines. Most of the increase in the number of incidents of violent firearms offences in Canada occurred outside of CMAs.

Another way to measure violent firearm-related crime using the UCR Survey is to use information on the characteristics of police-reported violent incidents to examine the most serious weapon present. This approach was taken by Cotter (2018). In 2016, the most recent year for which data on the characteristics of incidents is available, there were approximately 7,000 victims of violent crime where a firearm was present during the commission of a violent offence. As is the case for the specific firearms offences mentioned above, the rate of violent crime where a firearm was present has also increased in recent years.

Human trafficking violations increased in 2017

Trafficking in persons is defined by the Criminal Code as the act of recruiting, transporting, transferring, receiving, holding, concealing or harbouring a person, or exercising control, direction or influence over the movements of a person, for the purpose of exploiting them or facilitating their exploitation. In addition to specific Criminal Code offences, human trafficking is also an offence under the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act (IRPA) when it is specific to human trafficking that crosses Canada’s international borders. It should be noted that human trafficking is not the same as human smuggling. Although both are offences punishable under the Criminal Code, human smuggling involves the illegal migration of individuals for profit, generally with the individual’s consent (Ibrahim 2018).

In 2017, there were a total of 375 incidents of human trafficking reported by police: this included 271 incidents of trafficking in persons under the Criminal Code and another 104 incidents falling under IRPA (Table 6). Compared to 2016, this represented an 8% increase in the rate of Criminal Code trafficking in persons and a 1% increase in human trafficking under IRPA.

According to research, increases in reporting of human trafficking incidents may be an indication of efforts and resources being put into the investigation of these offences (United Nations 2008). Therefore, it is not clear whether an increase in the number of incidents reported is a true increase in the crime or more a reflection of police services becoming better equipped to detect, report and investigate human trafficking.

Non-violent crime

In 2017, most crime reported by police continued to be non-violent in nature, with property offences and other Criminal Code offences accounting for four out of five (79%) police-reported Criminal Code incidents (excluding traffic). In total, there were over 1.5 million police-reported non-violent Criminal Code incidents in 2017 (excluding traffic), of which almost 1.2 million were property crimes (Table 1b). After notable increases in property offences in 2015, the rate of property crime rose 1% between 2016 and 2017, increasing from 3,225 to 3,245 incidents per 100,000 population.

Non-violent CSI was stable in 2017

Between 2016 and 2017, there was no noticeable change in Canada’s non-violent Crime Severity Index (or NVCSI), which also includes federal statutes and traffic offences (Table 1a). However, this stability in the NVCSI was the combined result of a 15% increase in the rate of possession of stolen property and a 6% increase in the rate of motor vehicle theft offset by a 2% decline in rate of the more serious offence of breaking and entering.

Between 2016 and 2017, provincial and territorial changes to NVCSI varied (Table 2a). The largest increase in the NVCSI was reported in New Brunswick (+14%), the result of a 59% increase in the rate of fraud and an 11% increase in the rate of breaking and entering. Large decreases in the NVCSI were reported in Prince Edward Island (-11%), Newfoundland and Labrador (-11%), British Columbia (-7%), and Saskatchewan (-6%). Decreases in the NVCSI were also reported in Yukon (-4%) and Nunavut (-4%). A drop in rates of breaking and entering played a role in the decline in NVCSI in all of these jurisdictions (Text box 6).

As with the violent CSI, changes in the NVCSI varied considerably among Canada’s census metropolitan areas (CMAs) in 2016 (Table 3). The largest increases in the NVCSI occurred in Greater Sudbury (+26%), Moncton (+22%), Guelph (+15%), Kitchener-Cambridge-Waterloo (+11%) and St. Catharines-Niagara (+10%). Breaking and entering was a contributor in the increased NVCSIs in all of these cities, along with various other offences. Breaking and entering was also a driver in the CMAs which reported the largest declines in NVCSI: St. John’s (-19%), Regina (-9%), Vancouver (-8%) and Victoria (-7%).

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Total fraud continued to increase in 2017, growing for the sixth year in a row

The rate of fraud continued to increase for the sixth year in a row with a 2% increase between 2016 and 2017, and marked a 14% increase over the rate reported a decade previously (Table 6). There were over 112,000 incidents of fraud reported by police in 2017, resulting in a rate of 307 per 100,000 population. Incidents of identity fraud and identity theft increased from 17,169 in 2016 to 17,542 in 2017, for a combined rate of 48 per 100,000 population in 2017.

Changes in the combined rates of all police-reported fraud (including identity theft and fraud) varied by province and territory. New Brunswick and Nova Scotia reported notably high increases in rates of fraud in 2017 (+53% and +31%, respectively). In contrast, there were large declines in the rates of fraud in Nunavut (-34%), Prince Edward Island (-20%), Saskatchewan (-14%), Newfoundland and Labrador (-10%), and the Northwest Territories (-8%) (Table 7).

Increases in total fraud were reported by 19 of 33 CMAs. Large rate increases were reported in Moncton (+75%), Greater Sudbury (+58%), Saint John (+24%), Guelph (+24%), and Kingston (+22%). The largest decreases were reported in Barrie (-18%), Regina (-15%), and St. John’s (-10%).

Decrease in rate of breaking and entering

Breaking and entering continued to be one of the most common forms of property crime in 2017, following the less serious violations of theft of $5,000 or under and mischief. In 2017, over 159,000 incidents of breaking and entering were reported to police, accounting for 13% of property crime. Since peaking in 1991, the police-reported rate of breaking and entering has been generally declining in Canada, with three increases reported in 1996, 2003 and 2015 (Chart 13). In 2017, the rate declined 2% nationally to 434 per 100,000 population. Since 2007, the rate of breaking and entering has fallen 38%; in that year it accounted for 16% of all police-reported property crime.

Most provinces and territories reported declines in rates of breaking and entering in 2017. Yukon (-30%), Newfoundland and Labrador (-21%), Nunavut (-13%), Prince Edward Island (-13%) and British Columbia (-12%) reported the largest declines (Table 7). The provinces or territories that reported increases were New Brunswick (+11%), Alberta (+7%), Ontario (+4%), and the Northwest Territories (+1%). Changes in rates of breaking and entering, whether rising or falling, had a measurable impact on CSIs in most jurisdictions (Text box 2).

Increases in motor vehicle theft vary considerably by census metropolitan area

There were almost 85,000 incidents of motor vehicle theft reported by police in 2017, over 5,900 more than the previous year, resulting in a rate of 232 per 100,000 population. Between 2016 and 2017, the rate of motor vehicle theft in Canada increased 6%. In spite of increases in recent years, the rate of motor vehicle theft in Canada was 48% lower in 2017 than a decade earlier (Chart 13).

Six provinces reported increases in rates of motor vehicle theft in 2017. Large increases were reported in New Brunswick (+28%) and Ontario (+15%), while smaller increases were reported in Quebec (+7%), Alberta (+6%), British Columbia (+2%), and Newfoundland and Labrador (+1%). All other provinces and the Territories reported either no change or a decrease in rate, with the biggest declines reported in the Northwest Territories (-28%), Yukon (-22%) and Prince Edward Island (-20%).

As with other police-reported crimes, changes in rates of motor vehicle theft varied considerably by CMA (Table 8). Notably large increases in rates of motor vehicle theft were reported in Moncton (+50%), London (+47%), Peterborough (+40%), Trois-Rivières (+37%), Greater Sudbury (+36%), and Saguenay (+31%). Regina (-15%) and Saskatoon (-14%) reported the largest decreases, followed by Halifax (-13%) and Gatineau (-10%).

Police-reported impaired driving rate down for sixth consecutive year

Police reported just over 69,000 alcohol- or drug-impaired driving incidents in 2017, about 2,200 fewer than the year before. The rate of impaired driving (both types combined) decreased by 4% in 2017 to 188 impaired driving incidents per 100,000 population, representing the sixth consecutive decline (Chart 14). It is worth noting that Criminal Code traffic offences such as impaired driving are not included in the official crime rate but are included in the CSI and non-violent CSI.

Despite the national decline in police-reported impaired driving rates, notable increases were reported in the Northwest Territories (+53%), Nunavut (+53%) and Yukon (+47%), along with smaller increases in New Brunswick (+6%), Manitoba (+5%), Newfoundland and Labrador (+3%), and Nova Scotia (+1%). The national decline in police-reported impaired driving was primarily the result of decreases in Quebec (-11%), Alberta (-6%), British Columbia (-5%), and Ontario (-4%). Decreases in Prince Edward Island (-14%) and Saskatchewan (-5%) had a smaller impact at the national level.

Almost all police-reported impaired driving incidents continued to involve alcohol in 2017 (95%), while a small proportion (5%) involved drugs. Unlike the overall decline in impaired driving between 2016 and 2017, however, the number and rate for almost all drug-impaired driving violations increased (Chart 15). In total, there were 3,489 drug-impaired driving violations in 2017, 353 more than the previous year. Overall, the rate of drug-impaired driving increased by 10%. The national increase in the rate of drug-impaired driving was largely driven by the increased rates in Alberta (+18%), Quebec (+8%), Saskatchewan (+43%), and New Brunswick (+48%). Alberta and Quebec together explain almost half of the increase in incidents, accounting for 95 and 76 of the total 353 additional incidents reported. There were also large increases in Yukon (+54%), the Northwest Territories (+53%), and Nunavut (+42%), but their impact on the national increase was small. The only decline in drug-impaired driving was reported in Nova Scotia (-11%).

Despite a 10% increase, the rate of drug-impaired driving (10 per 100,000 population) remained low compared with the rate of alcohol-impaired driving (179 per 100,000 population). The low rate for drug-impaired driving may be partly explained by the fact that determining and measuring the level of drug impairment can be more difficult and less reliable than the measures used to detect alcohol-impaired driving (Owusu-Bempah 2014). In incidents where the driver may be impaired by both alcohol and drugs, it is generally easier for police to lay charges for alcohol-impaired driving and the majority of cases are reported as such (Perreault 2016).

According to Statistics Canada’s National Cannabis Survey (2018), 14% of Canadians 15 years and older had used some form of cannabis in the three months preceding the survey; among users with a valid driver’s license, 14% said they had driven within two hours of use (Statistics Canada 2018). This represents about 2% of all drivers.

It is important to note that the number of impaired driving offences reported by police can be influenced by a number of factors, including changes in legislation, varying law enforcement practices across jurisdictions (e.g., roadside check programs such as Ontario’s RIDE (Reduce Impaired Driving Everywhere program), as well as changing societal attitudes (Perreault 2016). In some jurisdictions, including British Columbia, impaired driving incidents that meet the elements of the Criminal Code may be handled using a provincial statute. In addition, the availability of training and drug testing technology may differ by police service and province.

In 2017, the government introduced Bill C-46 which proposed certain amendments to the Criminal Code sections related to impaired driving, including giving police new powers to conduct alcohol and drug screening. In addition, other amendments were proposed concerning the legalization of marijuana use under the Cannabis Act (Bill C-45, An Act respecting cannabis and to amend the Controlled Drugs and Substances Act, the Criminal Code, and other Acts). Both of these Bills were passed in June 2018. These changes in legislation may have an impact on the number of police reported incidents of drug-impaired driving in future years.

Rates of cannabis offences decline for sixth year in a row

In Canada, drug offences such as possession, trafficking, importation and exportation, and production fall under the Controlled Drugs and Substances Act (CDSA). These are not included in the calculation of the official crime rate but are included in the CSI and non-violent CSI. In 2017, there were over 90,000 CDSA offences reported by police, representing a rate of 247 per 100,000 population (Table 6). Of these, more than half (53%) were cannabis-related offences.

In 2017, possession, trafficking, importation and exportation, and production of cannabis for non-medical purposes fell under the CDSA and were therefore prohibited by law in Canada. Bill C-45, also known as the Cannabis Act, was formally introduced in the House of Commons in April, 2017, was passed in June 2018 and will come into force in October of that year. The Act provides a legal framework for the legalization and regulation of the production, distribution, sale and possession of cannabis in Canada (Parliament of Canada 2018).

Since 2011, police-reported rates of cannabis-related drug offences have been declining in Canada (Chart 16). In 2017, this trend continued with almost 48,000 cannabis-related drug offences reported to police, almost 8,000 fewer than reported in 2016. The majority of these offences (80%) were possession offences which represented a rate of 105 per 100,000 population, 15% lower than in 2016.

Nationally, the combined rate of cannabis possession, trafficking, production and importation or exportation fell 15% with all provinces and territories reporting declines in 2017. The largest declines in cannabis-related offences were reported in the Nunavut (-32%), Prince Edward Island (-29%), Yukon (-28%), the Northwest Territories (-20%), and Saskatchewan (-20%). Rates of police-reported cannabis offences varied considerably among the provinces and territories, with the highest rates reported in the Northwest Territories (447 per 100,000 population), Nunavut (342 per 100,000 population), British Columbia (210 per 100,000 population), and Yukon (200 per 100,000 population). The lowest police-reported rates of cannabis offences were recorded in Manitoba (84 per 100,000 population), Ontario (89 per 100,000 population) and Prince Edward Island (93 per 100,000 population) (Table 7).

Along with the decline in cannabis offences, the number of persons charged has also been declining. In 2017, the rate of persons charged with a cannabis-related offence declined 21% from 2016. Of the 18,637 people charged with cannabis-related offences in 2017, 13,768 (74%) were charged with possession of cannabis, 3,952 fewer than in 2016. Declines in rates of persons charged with possession of cannabis were reported by almost all provinces and territories in 2017. New Brunswick (+7%) reported the only increase. The lowest rates of persons charged with possession of cannabis among the provinces and territories were in Newfoundland and Labrador and Prince Edward Island (11 and 14 persons charged, respectively, per 100,000 population). In contrast, the highest rates of persons charged with possession of cannabis were reported in Saskatchewan (63 per 100,000 population) and Quebec (62 per 100,000 population).

While the rate of cannabis- and cocaine-related drug offences has declined in recent years, other drug crime has increased steadily

Similar to the trend in cannabis-related offences, cocaine drug offences continued to decline in 2017 for the fifth consecutive year, dropping 5% from 2016 to a rate of 38 incidents per 100,000 population (Table 7; Chart 16). In contrast, the combined rate of possession, trafficking, production and importation or exportation of drugs other than cannabis and cocaine has been increasing since 2010. Between 2016 and 2017, the most notable increases were reported for possession (+13%) and trafficking, production or importation/exportation (+11%) of methamphetamines or ecstasy. There was no noticeable change in heroin possession, but a 9% increase in its trafficking, production or importation/exportation. In addition, there was a 3% increase in possession of “other drugs” such as prescription drugs, LSD, “date rape” drugs, and opioids including fentanyl, and a 5% increase in the trafficking, production or importation/exportation of these “other drugs.”

Trends in police-reported drug offences in Canada may be related to varying policies, practices and resources available across different police services and over time. For instance, a police service’s decision to target particular offences or offenders may result in the identification of more incidents of drug-related crime, rather than representing an increase in the number of incidents that are actually occurring (Dauvergne 2009). Similarly, when other types of crime are declining, police may be able to focus more resources and efforts on crime involving drugs. Comparisons between police services or, more broadly, between geographical areas, should therefore be made with caution.

Police-reported youth crime

While overall crime statistics are based on the number of criminal incidents reported by police (regardless of whether or not an accused is identified), measures of police-reported youth crime are based on the number of youth, aged 12 to 17 years, accused in a criminal incident by police.^Note The number of youth accused includes youth who were either charged, or recommended for charging, as well as those who were cleared by other means, including those diverted from the formal criminal justice system through the use of warnings, cautions, referrals to community programs, and other diversion programs.

Youth are much more likely to be accused of a police-reported crime than people aged 25 years and older. Recent analysis for 2014 showed that rates of youth accused of crime were more than twice as high as rates for individuals 25 years or older. However, rates of individuals accused of crime in 2014 were highest among young adults aged 18 to 24. That being said, the police-reported youth crime rate has long been on a downward trend, declining for over two decades after peaking in 1991 (Allen 2015).

For the most part, police-reported youth crime involves relatively minor offences. As is typical each year, the most frequent criminal offences committed by youth in 2017 were theft of $5,000 or under (776 accused per 100,000 youth), common assault (level 1) (536 per 100,000 youth) and mischief (433 per 100,000 youth) (Table 9). All of these offences were also among the most frequent violations committed by adults. The rate of cannabis possession among youth was also relatively high, at 342 accused per 100,000 youth, as were the combined rates of youth accused of offences related to the administration of justice and violations under the Youth Criminal Justice Act (YCJA) (490 and 131 per 100,000 youth, respectively). Previous research, however, shows that rates of cannabis possession are generally highest among young adult offenders. This was also the case for administration of justice offences (Allen 2016).

Increase in the youth Crime Severity Index in 2017, but slight decrease in rate of youth accused of crime

In total, there were about 88,700 youth accused of a criminal offence in 2017, about 450 fewer than in the previous year, marking a 1% decrease in the youth crime rate. At the same time, however, the youth Crime Severity Index (YCSI), which measures both the volume and severity of crime involving youth accused (both charged and not charged), increased 3% in 2017 (Table 10a; Table 10b).

Since 2008, the YCSI has generally been on a downward trend. The increase in 2017 is the first notable increase in the youth CSI since 2007 (Chart 17).^Note Despite this, the YCSI in 2017 was still 38% lower than 10 years previously. This ten-year decline in youth crime has been greater than for crime overall; the overall CSI (which includes crime committed by youth) fell 24% over the same period.

The increase in the YCSI in 2017 was primarily the result of increases in the rate of youth accused of violent offences, particularly robbery (+13%), as well as homicide, which more than doubled, increasing from 24 to 50 youth accused per 100,000 youth between 2016 and 2017. The increase in the YCSI was partly offset by declines in breaking and entering (-7%) and attempted murder (-53%).

The increase in youth accused of homicide was primarily in Manitoba and Ontario. Increases in the rate of youth accused of sexual assault (level 1) (+19%) and sexual violations against children (+25%) also contributed to the increase (Table 9). As a result of the increases in robbery, homicide, and sexual offences, the youth violent CSI increased 12% between 2016 and 2017. In contrast, the youth non-violent CSI decreased 4% as a result of decreases in the rate of youth accused of breaking and entering (-7%) and theft of $5,000 or under (-4%).

The YCSI did not increase everywhere. Between 2016 and 2017, increases were reported in five provinces and territories: Manitoba (+14%), Ontario (+11%), the Northwest Territories (+4%), Newfoundland and Labrador (+2%), and British Columbia (+2%) (Table 11). Large declines in youth CSI were reported in Nova Scotia (-15%) and New Brunswick (-10%). Declines were also reported in Nunavut (-9%), Yukon (-9%), Saskatchewan (-8%), Prince Edward Island (-7%) and Alberta (-2%). There was no noticeable change reported in Quebec (Table 12a; Table 12b).

Most youth accused of crime are not charged, especially for minor offences

In keeping with the principles and objectives of the YCJA—namely to divert youth away from the formal justice system especially when they are accused of relatively minor offences—43% of youth accused of crime in 2017 were charged by police.^Note

Among youth accused, the percentage of accused who were charged was higher for violent offences (50%). The percentage charged tended to be much higher for the most serious violent offences. For property offences, 29% of youth accused were charged. For youth accused of theft of $5,000 or under or mischief, one in five youth accused were charged (20% and 19%, respectively). In contrast, for breaking and entering, the most serious property offence, 49% of youth accused were charged.

The YCJA outlines a variety of extrajudicial measures that can be used by police in lieu of charging a youth with an offence such as warnings and cautions, or referrals to community programs or other extrajudicial sanctions programs under the YCJA. From 2002 to 2003, with the introduction of the YCJA, the proportion of youth accused who were charged by police dropped substantially as more youth were dealt with by extrajudicial measures, especially for less serious offences. The percentage of youth who are charged has remained relatively level since then (Chart 18).

Summary

In 2017, the police-reported Crime Severity Index (CSI) increased 2%, while the crime rate increased 1%. Most of Canada’s provinces and territories reported increases in their CSI with the exception of Newfoundland and Labrador, Prince Edward Island, Saskatchewan and British Columbia. This was the third consecutive increase in the CSI after 11 years of declines between 2003 and 2014.

The 2% increase in the national CSI between 2016 and 2017 was the result of increases in numerous offences, most notably, an increase in the rate of police-reported incidents of sexual assault (level 1) (+13%), as well as increases in possession of stolen property (+15%), motor vehicle theft (+6%) and homicide (+7%). These increases were offset by fewer police-reported incidents of breaking and entering (-2%).

Although there was a 1% decrease in the rate of youth accused of crime in 2017, the youth CSI, which measures both the volume and severity of crime involving youth accused (both charged and not charged), increased 3% (Table 10a) as a result of an increase in youth accused of violent crime, primarily robbery and homicide. The increases in these offences also resulted in a 12% increase in the youth violent CSI. In contrast, the youth non-violent CSI decreased 4% in 2017, primarily as a result of a decrease in the rate of youth accused of breaking and entering as well as theft of $5,000 or under.

Detailed data tables

Table 1a Police-reported Crime Severity Indexes, Canada, 2007 to 2017

Table 1b Police-reported crime rate, Canada, 2007 to 2017

Table 2a Police-reported Crime Severity Indexes, by province and territory, 2017

Table 2b Police-reported crime rate, by province and territory, 2017

Table 3 Police-reported Crime Severity Indexes, by census metropolitan area, 2017

Table 4 Police-reported crime rate, by census metropolitan area, 2017

Table 5 Violations contributing to the change in the Crime Severity Index between 2016 and 2017, by census metropolitan area

Table 6 Police-reported crime for selected offences, Canada, 2016 and 2017

Table 7 Police-reported crime for selected offences, by province and territory, 2017

Table 8 Police-reported crime for selected offences, by census metropolitan area, 2017

Table 9 Youth accused of police-reported crime for selected offences, Canada, 2016 and 2017

Table 10a Police-reported youth Crime Severity Indexes, Canada, 2007 to 2017

Table 10b Youth accused of police-reported crime, Canada, 2007 to 2017

Table 11 Police-reported youth Crime Severity Indexes, by province and territory, 2017

Table 12a Police-reported youth crime for selected violent offences, by province and territory, 2017

Table 12b Police-reported youth crime for selected non-violent offences, by province and territory, 2017

Key terminology and definitions

Most serious violation: Individuals accused of crime are categorized by the most serious violation occurring in the police-reported incident in which they are accused. In incidents with multiple accused involving multiple violations, each individual in the incident will be coded with the most serious violation even if this was not the violation(s) that the person was accused of. It is therefore possible that the most serious violation is not the offence for which an individual was accused, but one committed by another accused in the incident. Moreover, in this type of incident, any charges against the accused may be for less serious offences in the incident.

Violent offences: Involve the use or threatened use of violence against a person, including homicide, attempted murder, assault, sexual assault, and robbery. Robbery is considered a violent offence because, unlike other theft offences, it involves the use or threat of violence. See Table 6 for a list of selected offences in this category.

Homicide: Includes first and second degree murder, manslaughter and infanticide. Deaths caused by criminal negligence, suicide, and accidental or justifiable homicides are not included in this classification.

Assault (physical): Refers to the Criminal Code categories of physical assault.

Common assault: Includes the Criminal Code category assault (level 1) which includes pushing, slapping, punching and face-to-face verbal threats.

Major assault: Includes Criminal Code assaults levels 2 and 3:

Level 2–assault with a weapon: Involves carrying, using or threatening to use a weapon against someone or causing someone bodily harm, i.e., assault with a weapon or causing bodily harm.

Level 3–aggravated assault: Involves wounding, maiming, disfiguring or endangering the life of someone.

Other assaults: Includes other forms of physical assault including: unlawfully causing bodily harm, discharge firearm with intent, using firearm/imitation of firearm in commission of offence, pointing a firearm, criminal negligence causing bodily harm, trap likely to or causing bodily harm, and other assaults.

Sexual assault: Is classified into one of three levels: level 1, assault of a sexual nature that violates the sexual integrity of the victim; level 2, sexual assault with a weapon, threats to use a weapon, or causing bodily harm; and level 3, sexual assault that wounds, maims, disfigures or endangers the life of the victim.

Sexual violations against children: Include Criminal Code violations that specifically concern offences involving child and youth victims. These include sexual interference, invitation to sexual touching, sexual exploitation, making sexually explicit material available to children for the purpose of facilitating sexual offences against children/youth, luring a child via telecommunications or the agreement/arrangement by means of telecommunication to commit a sexual offence against a child, and, as of December 2014, the offences of parent or guardian procuring sexual activity (Criminal Code, s. 170), and householder permitting prohibited sexual activity (Criminal Code, s. 171). A “householder” is any “owner, occupier or manager of premises, or any other person who has control of premises or assists in the management or control of premises” (Criminal Code, s. 171). Incidents of child pornography are not included in the category of sexual violations against children. Excludes incidents of sexual assault levels 1, 2 and 3 against children and youth which are counted within those three violation categories.

Other sexual offences not involving assault or sexual violations against children are included with “other violent offences.”

Commodification of sexual activity: In December 2013, new legislation came into effect governing prostitution-related activities. The new legislation is listed under “crimes against the person” in the Criminal Code and targets “the exploitation that is inherent in sex work and the risks of violence posed to those who engage in it” (Criminal Code, Chapter 25, preamble). New violations classified as “violent crime” under “commodification of sexual activity” include: the purchasing of sexual services or communicating for that purpose, receiving a material benefit deriving from the purchase of sexual services, procuring of persons for the purpose of prostitution, and advertising sexual services offered for sale. In addition, a number of other offences related to prostitution continue to be considered non-violent offences and are classified under “other Criminal Code offences.” These include communicating to provide sexual services for consideration, and stopping or impeding traffic for the purpose of offering, providing or obtaining sexual services for consideration.

Nonviolent offences: Include property offences and other Criminal Code offences, as well as Criminal Code traffic offences, drug-related offences, and violations of other federal statutes.

Property offences: Involve unlawful acts to gain property, but do not involve the use or threat of violence against the person. They include offences such as break and enter, theft, and mischief. See Table 6 for a list of selected offences in this category.

“Other” Criminal Code offences: Include crimes such as disturbing the peace and offences against the administration of justice such as failure to comply with an order, failure to appear, and breach of probation.

Drug-related offences: Include offences under the Controlled Drugs and Substances Act such as importation, exportation, trafficking, production and possession of drugs or narcotics. Examples include cannabis/marijuana, cocaine, heroin, and other drugs such as crystal meth, PCP, LSD and ecstasy.

Other federal statute violations: Include violations of federal statutes other than the Criminal Code and the Controlled Drugs and Substances Act. These include violations of the Youth Criminal Justice Act.

Survey description

Uniform Crime Reporting Survey

The Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) Survey was established in 1962 with the co-operation and assistance of the Canadian Association of Chiefs of Police. The UCR Survey was designed to measure criminal incidents that have been reported to federal, provincial and municipal police services in Canada.

One incident can involve multiple offences. In order to ensure comparability, counts presented in this article are based upon the most serious offence in the incident as determined by a standard classification rule used by all police services. Counts based upon all violations are available upon request.

Each year, the UCR database is “frozen” at the end of May for the production of crime statistics for the preceding calendar year. However, police services continue to send updated data to Statistics Canada after this date for incidents that occurred in previous years. Generally, these revisions constitute new accused records, as incidents are solved and accused persons are identified by police. However, some new incidents may be added and previously reported incidents may be deleted as new information becomes known.

Revisions are accepted for a one-year period after the data are initially released. For example, when the 2017 crime statistics are released, the 2016 data are updated with any revisions that have been made between May 2017 and May 2018. The data are revised only once and are then permanently frozen. Over the past 13 years (2004 to 2016), data corresponding to previous years have been revised upward 10 times and revised downward 3 times, with an average annual revision of 0.17%. The 2016 revision to counts of persons charged and youth not charged resulted in a 1.2% increase to 2016 counts.

Measuring incidents of crime

Data from the UCR are used to calculate both the traditional crime rate and the Crime Severity Index (CSI). Both the traditional crime rate and the CSI are based on the aggregate count of criminal incidents. A criminal incident involves one or more related offences that are committed during a single criminal event and have been reported to police. Where there are multiple victims within a single criminal event, a separate aggregate incident is counted for each victim. For example, a single incident involving an assault on three victims at the same time and location is counted in the aggregate statistics as three incidents of assault.

Police services can report up to four violations for each incident; however, this has typically only been the practice since the late 1980s and not for all police services. Therefore, both the traditional crime rate and the CSI are based on the most serious violation in the criminal incident. By basing the measures on the most serious offence in an incident, it allows for historical comparisons, as well as better comparisons among police services.

It is possible, however, that by counting only the most serious violation, some offences may be underrepresented. This has little or no effect on serious violent offences such as homicide, sexual assault and aggravated assault. However, some, but not all, minor offences are less likely to be the most serious when occurring at the same time as other more serious violations. These secondary offences, therefore, are not included in the calculation of aggregate statistics, the crime rate or the CSI.

For more information on counting crime in Canada, see Measuring Crime in Canada: Introducing the Crime Severity Index and Improvements to the Uniform Crime Reporting Survey (Wallace et al. 2009) and “The Methodology of the Police-Reported Crime Severity Index (Babyak et al. 2009).

In 2008, the UCR was modified to create new violation codes for drug-impaired operation of a vehicle, drug-impaired operation of a vehicle causing death or bodily harm, failure or refusal to comply with testing for the presence of drugs and failure or refusal to provide a breath or blood sample. Prior to 2008, those offences would have been coded together with alcohol-impaired driving violations. Therefore, the percentage change from 2007 to 2017 is not shown.

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