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- 21. To What Extent Are Canadians Exposed to Low Income? ArchivedArticles and reports: 11F0019M2000146Geography: CanadaDescription:
In this paper, we investigate the extent to which Canadians were exposed to low income during the 1993-1996 period. Our main findings are the following. First, while 1 in 10 Canadians live in families with low income in a given year, as many as 1 in 5 are exposed to at least one year of low income during a 4-year interval. Second, 1 in 20 Canadians are exposed to low income for 4 consecutive years. Third, 40% to 60% of individuals who fall into low income in a given year will no longer have low income the following year. Fourth, some spells of low income last a long time: of all spells started in 1994, 30% lasted 3 years or more. Fifth, Canadians who are the most susceptible to low income tend to be young; to have little education; to be students and to live as unattached individuals or in lone-parent families. As well, Canadians facing disabilities that entail work limitations, those who are members of visible minorities (when considering the exposure to 4 years of low income) or who have immigrated in or after 1977 tend to experience low income. Sixth, high probabilities of being exposed to low income do not necessarily imply high income gaps, that is, the average income of those in low income may be quite close to the low income cut-off. As a result, a complete understanding of the extent to which Canadians are exposed to low income requires an analysis of both the probabilities of being exposed and the income gaps while being exposed.
Release date: 2000-05-19 - Articles and reports: 11F0019M1999138Geography: CanadaDescription:
In this paper, we assemble data from several household surveys to document how pension coverage of young and older workers has evolved in Canada between the mid-1980s and the mid-1990s. Our main findings are the following. First, both administrative data from the Pension Plans in Canada (PPIC) database and data from household surveys show an increase in RPP coverage for women. In contrast, while PPIC data show a decrease in coverage for men, household surveys indicate no downward trend for males. Second, sample aggregates hide interesting differences within the population. We find that the pension coverage of young workers (aged 25-34) has declined relative to older workers (aged 35-54). Young males have experienced a decline in coverage while RPP coverage has remained fairly stable for older men. In contrast, pension coverage has remained fairly constant for young women but has risen substantially for older women. Third, the decline in unionism and shifts towards industries with low-coverage explain most of the decrease in coverage observed among young men. Fourth, the growth in older women's coverage appears to be the result of their greater propensity to be employed in highly paid/highly covered occupations.
Release date: 1999-12-22 - Articles and reports: 75F0002M1999008Description:
This article investigates the extent to which factors not previously explored in the Canadian context account for wage differences between men and women. It uses data from the Survey of Labour and Income Dynamics (SLID).
Release date: 1999-12-20 - 24. To What Extent Are Canadians Exposed to Low Income? ArchivedArticles and reports: 75F0002M1999001Description:
This paper investigates the extent to which Canadians were exposed to low income during the 1993 to 1996 period.
Release date: 1999-03-25 - 25. The Upward Mobility of Low Paid Canadians: 1993-1995 ArchivedArticles and reports: 75F0002M1998007Description:
This study examines the upward mobility of low-paid Canadians between 1993 and 1995 using data from the Survey of Labour and Income Dynamics (SLID).
Release date: 1998-12-31 - 26. Recent Canadian Evidence on Job Quality by Firm Size ArchivedArticles and reports: 11F0019M1998128Geography: CanadaDescription:
We provide recent evidence on job characteristics by firm size in Canada. Using a variety of household surveys, we assemble a wide set of facts on wages, fringe benefits and work schedules in small and large firms. We show that the wage gap between small and large firms has reamined fairly stable over the past decade. After controlling for observable worker characteristics and industry-specific effects, large firms pay 15-20% more than small firms. Pension plan coverage remains at least four times higher in large firms than in small firms. While the gap in pension coverage between small and large firms has not increased over time for men, there is some evidence that it has increased for women. We assess the extent to which work schedules vary between small and large firms. Our results indicate that compared to workers in large firms, employees of small firms work at least as many weekly hours. Furthermore, they are more likely to work more than five days per week. This implies that the firm size wage premium cannot be explained by a longer workweek in large firms. As long as workers prefer working during the day, the greater frequency of shift work in large, goods-producing companies is one dimension along which work schedules are less desirable in large firms. According to the theory of compensating differentials, the size-wage differential may partially reflect the willingness of large firms to compensate workers for shift work. We test this hypothesis and conclude that shift work has virtually no effect on the firm size wage premium. Our results emphasize the need to look at several dimensions of work to assess how job quality varies between small and large firms.
Release date: 1998-11-13 - Articles and reports: 11F0019M1998126Geography: CanadaDescription:
Controlling for observable worker attributes, we find that computer use is associated with a wage premium of at most 14%. Following Dinardo and Pischke (1997), we examine the wage premium associated with other tools used on the job. While these authors find a significant wage premium for the use of pencils or for sitting down while working, we find a substantial and robust wage premium for the use of a fax machine. Using a variety of reasonable specifications of wage equations including both a computer use indicator and a fax use indicator, we consistently find a stronger effect for fax machines than for computers. Along with Dinardo and Pischke (1997), we argue that workers who use computers earn more than other employees not because of their computing skills per se, but rather because they have more other unobserved skills - innate or learned through school - than other employees.
Release date: 1998-10-27 - 28. Working more? Less? What do workers prefer? ArchivedArticles and reports: 75-001-X19970043384Geography: CanadaDescription:
Although two-thirds of workers are satisfied with their hours, many of the remainder would prefer to work more hours for more pay. This article analyzes work hour preferences by sex, province, job characteristics and family situation. (Adapted froman Analytical Studies Branch research paper published in May1997.)
Release date: 1997-12-10 - Articles and reports: 11F0019M1997104Geography: CanadaDescription:
Faced with high unemployment rates, an unequal distribution of worktime, and shifts to temporary, part-time and contract employment, Canadian workers may prefer to change their work hours. Using data from the Survey of Work Arrangements of 1995, we find that two thirds of Canadian workers are satisfied with their work hours. The majority of workers who are not satisfied would prefer more hours for more pay rather than fewer hours for less pay. This finding is robust as it holds for each age group, education level, seniority level, industrial and occupational group. Workers most likely to want more work hours are generally young, have low levels of education, have little seniority, hold temporary jobs, work short hours and are employed in low-skill occupations. Workers who are the most likely to desire a shorter work week are professionals, managers, and natural and social science workers, have high hourly wage rates, possess high levels of education, have long job tenure, occupy permanent jobs and already work long hours. Calculations based on the Survey on Work Reduction of 1985 suggest that if Canadian workers were to voluntarily reduce their work week, the number of work hours available for redistribution would unlikely be sufficient to both eliminate underemployment and reduce unemployment. The potential for work time redistribution, as measured by the propensity to desire fewer hours, appears to be greatest (lowest) in age-education groups with relatively low (high) unemployment rates. This implies that the resulting decrease in unemployment and underemployment could be more pronounced in groups where workers are already relatively successful.
Release date: 1997-05-13
Stats in brief (1)
Stats in brief (1) ((1 result))
- Stats in brief: 11-627-M2023049Description: This infographic looks at how women from diverse groups experience the gender wage gap differently and how it has changed from 2007 to 2022. It uses data from the Labour Force Survey for paid workers aged 20 to 54, to examine the distinct experiences of diverse groups of women Including Indigenous women, immigrant women and non-Indigenous women born in Canada.Release date: 2023-09-21
Articles and reports (28)
Articles and reports (28) (20 to 30 of 28 results)
- Articles and reports: 11F0019M1999138Geography: CanadaDescription:
In this paper, we assemble data from several household surveys to document how pension coverage of young and older workers has evolved in Canada between the mid-1980s and the mid-1990s. Our main findings are the following. First, both administrative data from the Pension Plans in Canada (PPIC) database and data from household surveys show an increase in RPP coverage for women. In contrast, while PPIC data show a decrease in coverage for men, household surveys indicate no downward trend for males. Second, sample aggregates hide interesting differences within the population. We find that the pension coverage of young workers (aged 25-34) has declined relative to older workers (aged 35-54). Young males have experienced a decline in coverage while RPP coverage has remained fairly stable for older men. In contrast, pension coverage has remained fairly constant for young women but has risen substantially for older women. Third, the decline in unionism and shifts towards industries with low-coverage explain most of the decrease in coverage observed among young men. Fourth, the growth in older women's coverage appears to be the result of their greater propensity to be employed in highly paid/highly covered occupations.
Release date: 1999-12-22 - Articles and reports: 75F0002M1999008Description:
This article investigates the extent to which factors not previously explored in the Canadian context account for wage differences between men and women. It uses data from the Survey of Labour and Income Dynamics (SLID).
Release date: 1999-12-20 - 23. To What Extent Are Canadians Exposed to Low Income? ArchivedArticles and reports: 75F0002M1999001Description:
This paper investigates the extent to which Canadians were exposed to low income during the 1993 to 1996 period.
Release date: 1999-03-25 - 24. The Upward Mobility of Low Paid Canadians: 1993-1995 ArchivedArticles and reports: 75F0002M1998007Description:
This study examines the upward mobility of low-paid Canadians between 1993 and 1995 using data from the Survey of Labour and Income Dynamics (SLID).
Release date: 1998-12-31 - 25. Recent Canadian Evidence on Job Quality by Firm Size ArchivedArticles and reports: 11F0019M1998128Geography: CanadaDescription:
We provide recent evidence on job characteristics by firm size in Canada. Using a variety of household surveys, we assemble a wide set of facts on wages, fringe benefits and work schedules in small and large firms. We show that the wage gap between small and large firms has reamined fairly stable over the past decade. After controlling for observable worker characteristics and industry-specific effects, large firms pay 15-20% more than small firms. Pension plan coverage remains at least four times higher in large firms than in small firms. While the gap in pension coverage between small and large firms has not increased over time for men, there is some evidence that it has increased for women. We assess the extent to which work schedules vary between small and large firms. Our results indicate that compared to workers in large firms, employees of small firms work at least as many weekly hours. Furthermore, they are more likely to work more than five days per week. This implies that the firm size wage premium cannot be explained by a longer workweek in large firms. As long as workers prefer working during the day, the greater frequency of shift work in large, goods-producing companies is one dimension along which work schedules are less desirable in large firms. According to the theory of compensating differentials, the size-wage differential may partially reflect the willingness of large firms to compensate workers for shift work. We test this hypothesis and conclude that shift work has virtually no effect on the firm size wage premium. Our results emphasize the need to look at several dimensions of work to assess how job quality varies between small and large firms.
Release date: 1998-11-13 - Articles and reports: 11F0019M1998126Geography: CanadaDescription:
Controlling for observable worker attributes, we find that computer use is associated with a wage premium of at most 14%. Following Dinardo and Pischke (1997), we examine the wage premium associated with other tools used on the job. While these authors find a significant wage premium for the use of pencils or for sitting down while working, we find a substantial and robust wage premium for the use of a fax machine. Using a variety of reasonable specifications of wage equations including both a computer use indicator and a fax use indicator, we consistently find a stronger effect for fax machines than for computers. Along with Dinardo and Pischke (1997), we argue that workers who use computers earn more than other employees not because of their computing skills per se, but rather because they have more other unobserved skills - innate or learned through school - than other employees.
Release date: 1998-10-27 - 27. Working more? Less? What do workers prefer? ArchivedArticles and reports: 75-001-X19970043384Geography: CanadaDescription:
Although two-thirds of workers are satisfied with their hours, many of the remainder would prefer to work more hours for more pay. This article analyzes work hour preferences by sex, province, job characteristics and family situation. (Adapted froman Analytical Studies Branch research paper published in May1997.)
Release date: 1997-12-10 - Articles and reports: 11F0019M1997104Geography: CanadaDescription:
Faced with high unemployment rates, an unequal distribution of worktime, and shifts to temporary, part-time and contract employment, Canadian workers may prefer to change their work hours. Using data from the Survey of Work Arrangements of 1995, we find that two thirds of Canadian workers are satisfied with their work hours. The majority of workers who are not satisfied would prefer more hours for more pay rather than fewer hours for less pay. This finding is robust as it holds for each age group, education level, seniority level, industrial and occupational group. Workers most likely to want more work hours are generally young, have low levels of education, have little seniority, hold temporary jobs, work short hours and are employed in low-skill occupations. Workers who are the most likely to desire a shorter work week are professionals, managers, and natural and social science workers, have high hourly wage rates, possess high levels of education, have long job tenure, occupy permanent jobs and already work long hours. Calculations based on the Survey on Work Reduction of 1985 suggest that if Canadian workers were to voluntarily reduce their work week, the number of work hours available for redistribution would unlikely be sufficient to both eliminate underemployment and reduce unemployment. The potential for work time redistribution, as measured by the propensity to desire fewer hours, appears to be greatest (lowest) in age-education groups with relatively low (high) unemployment rates. This implies that the resulting decrease in unemployment and underemployment could be more pronounced in groups where workers are already relatively successful.
Release date: 1997-05-13
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