Gender-based violence and unwanted sexual behaviour in Canada, 2018: Initial findings from the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces

by Adam Cotter and Laura Savage

Release date: December 5, 2019
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Highlights

  • Gender-based violence—defined as violence that is committed against someone based on their gender identity, gender expression or perceived gender—encompasses a range of behaviours, not all of which meet the threshold of criminal behaviour. Five dimensions of gender-based violence are explored: unwanted sexual behaviour while in public, unwanted sexual behaviour online, unwanted sexual behaviour in the workplace, sexual assault, and physical assault.
  • Women were more likely than men to have been sexually assaulted or have experienced unwanted sexual behaviour in public, unwanted behaviour online, or unwanted behaviour in the workplace in the 12 months preceding the survey, and this was the case even when controlling for other factors. In contrast, men were more likely to have been physically assaulted.
  • Not only were women more likely to experience these behaviours, the impact of them was also greater. Women were more likely than men to have changed their routines or behaviours and to have experienced negative emotional consequences. Women were also more likely to have talked to somebody about their experience following an incident of unwanted behaviour or assault.
  • Women were more likely than men to have experienced multiple incidents in the past 12 months and to have experienced unwanted behaviour or violence while on the street versus while in another public place, such as a bar or restaurant.
  • Beside gender, being younger, having experienced harsh parenting, having been physically or sexually abused by an adult during childhood, and being single, never married, all play a role in experiencing gender-based violence.
  • One in three (32%) women and one in eight (13%) men experienced unwanted sexual behaviour in public. For both men and women, younger age and sexual orientation increased the odds of experiencing this behaviour more than any other factor. More specifically, being younger and of a sexual orientation other than heterosexual was associated with much higher odds.
  • The most common types of unwanted sexual behaviour experienced by women in public were unwanted sexual attention (25%), unwanted physical contact (17%), and unwanted comments about their sex or gender (12%). These were also the three most common types of behaviour experienced by men, though at a considerably lower rate (each 6%).
  • One in five (18%) women experienced online harassment in the 12 months preceding the survey, slightly above the proportion of men (14%). Women were more likely than men to know the perpetrator.
  • Women (28%) were more likely than men (19%) to have taken measures such as blocking others online or deleting accounts in order to protect themselves from online harassment.
  • While men (56%) were slightly more likely than women (53%) to witness inappropriate sexual behaviour in their workplaces, the opposite was true when it came to personally experiencing this type of behaviour. Three in ten (29%) women were targeted by inappropriate sexual behaviour in a work-related setting compared with 17% of men.
  • More than 11 million Canadians have been physically or sexually assaulted since the age of 15. This represents 39% of women and 35% of men 15 years of age and older in Canada, with the gender difference driven by a much higher prevalence of sexual assault among women than men (30% versus 8%).
  • Equal proportions of women (4%) and men (4%) were victims of violent crime in the 12 months preceding the survey, though the type of victimization differed as women were more likely to have been sexually assaulted (3% versus 1% of men) and men were more likely to have been physically assaulted (4% versus 2% of women).
  • The vast majority of incidents of violent crime did not come to the attention of police: 5% of women stated that police found out about the most serious incident of sexual assault they experienced, while 26% of women and 33% of men who were physically assaulted said likewise.
  • One in five victims of sexual assault—both women and men—felt blamed for their own victimization. Most commonly, the perpetrator or the victim’s friends or family were the source of this feeling.
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All Canadians have the right to live free from violence. Gender-based violence—defined as violence that is committed against someone based on their gender identity, gender expression or perceived gender (Women and Gender Equality Canada 2018)—can have serious long-term physical, economic and emotional consequences for victims, their families, and for society more broadly.

Measuring gender-based violence is complex. The victims—and even the perpetrators—may not themselves perceive the motivations for the incident as being rooted in social structures and systems, which can serve to produce and reproduce gender inequality and gendered violence across many dimensions. Because of this, asking about gender-based violence directly in a survey may not lead to accurate findings or conclusions. Instead, asking about all experiences of violence and using contextual information—such as the gender of the victim and the perpetrator, the relationship between the victim and the perpetrator, and the nature and impact of the incident—allows for an examination of violence where the gender-based nature of an incident and the broader systemic factors underpinning these acts can be considered.

Using this general approach, decades of research and data collection in Canada show that women and girls are at higher risk of certain types of violence—and in many cases, other characteristics intersect with gender to impact the likelihood of experiencing violence. Often, these incidents can be considered gender-based; that is, they are typically committed by men against women, and furthermore, they may have a sexual aspect, may cause physical and/or psychological harm, or may involve a relationship between the victim and the perpetrator that implies an imbalance of power. Factors such as age, race, disability, immigrant status, and sexual orientation all intersect and can impact risk and protective factors, as well as access to support services. Previous research indicates that disabled women, Indigenous women, girls and young women, lesbian and bisexual women, and gay and bisexual men are more at risk of experiencing violence (Boyce 2016; Burczycka 2018a; Conroy 2018; Conroy and Cotter 2017; Cotter 2018; Cotter and Beaupré 2014; Ibrahim 2018; Perreault 2015; Rotenberg 2019; Rotenberg 2017; Simpson 2018).

Gender-based violence comprises a wide range of behaviours, some of which are not defined as criminal under Canadian law (Benoit et al. 2015). In addition to overt acts of violence, gender-based violence also includes behaviours that can be more subtle, yet may cause victims to feel unsafe, uncomfortable or threatened because they were victimized because of their gender.

Unwelcome comments, actions, or advances while in public—despite not meeting a criminal threshold—may cause individuals to withdraw or to not otherwise fully engage in their daily activities or access spaces in which they have the right to freely use and enjoy (Bastomski and Smith 2017). These behaviours can also serve to normalize, create, or support a culture where certain individuals feel targeted and discriminated against. Indeed, while some research suggests that unwelcome gendered behaviours may be considered minor or trivial, especially in comparison to other types of sexual violence, they nevertheless come with their own set of consequences and negative impacts on daily life (Bastomski and Smith 2017; Mellgren et al. 2018). When these behaviours are sexualized and/or gender-based, they can serve to create or reinforce sexist or discriminatory stereotypes or norms that can be harmful to everyone.

In 2018, Statistics Canada conducted the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces (SSPPS) with the goal of advancing knowledge of gender-based violence in Canada by collecting information on experiences and characteristics of violent victimization as well as the continuum of other unwanted experiences while in public, online, or at work. A key contribution of the SSPPS is a measure of the prevalence and nature of unwanted sexual behaviours faced by many Canadians while accessing public spaces, while online, or while in the workplace. This fills a critical gap by measuring behaviours that have previously not been a focus of other nationally representative surveys, given the fact that they tend not to rise to the threshold of criminal behaviour, and would therefore never be reported or included in other official data sources. By also including questions which measure violence that meets the criminal threshold, such as physical and sexual assault, the SSPPS allows for a comparative analysis of the risk factors across the continuum of gender-based violence, while also providing more recent self-reported statistics on violent victimization.

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New questions on sex and gender and sexual orientation

For the first time in a large-scale Statistics Canada household survey, the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces (SSPPS) included questions on both sex assigned at birth and the gender of respondents. These questions provide a more inclusive and accurate means of representing Canadians of all genders. Sex refers to the biological and physiological characteristics that define males, females and intersex persons whereas gender refers to the roles and behaviours that society associates with being female or male (Women and Gender Equality Canada 2018). Of note, this article presents data on women and men using their self-reported gender only and does not take into account their sex assigned at birth. For example, an individual whose assigned sex at birth was male but who identifies as a woman is counted in this analysis as a woman.

In 2018, 0.24%Note  of those 15 years of age or older provided responses indicating that they were transgender (i.e., their sex assigned at birth is not the same as their gender) or gender diverse (i.e., neither male nor female). While data are available for transgender respondents, specific results for gender-diverse respondents are not publishable due to small sample size and concerns for respondent privacy and confidentiality. More fulsome analysis of the transgender and gender diverse population is planned for release in a report forthcoming in 2020.

In addition, the question on sexual orientation was revised to ask respondents if they were heterosexual, lesbian or gay, bisexual, or to specify their sexual orientation if it was not one of the response categories provided. For the purposes of this report, the term sexual minority or sexual minorities is used to refer to those who stated their sexual orientation was anything other than heterosexual. Where possible, results are disaggregated to present information separately for those who are gay or lesbian, bisexual, or sexual orientation, n.e.c.

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The development and collection of this survey and the analysis of its results was funded by Women and Gender Equality Canada as part of It’s Time: Canada’s Strategy to Prevent and Address Gender-Based Violence (the Strategy).Note  The Strategy’s activities are organized across three pillars: preventing gender-based violence, supporting survivors and their families, and promoting responsive legal and justice systems (Women and Gender Equality Canada 2018). Data collection and increasing knowledge is a central component of the Strategy and the SSPPS is one survey in a suite of tools being developed for the purpose of better understanding and addressing gender-based violence in Canada. Reducing and eliminating gender-based violence is also a critical part of the United Nations’ 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and is reflected in the Sustainable Development Goals (Fukuda-Parr 2016; Statistics Canada 2018) and the Government of Canada’s Gender Results Framework. Results from the SSPPS will assist in the development of indicators that will be used to track progress and monitor trends related to the elimination of gender-based violence and harassment and the promotion of security of all people in Canada.

This report presents initial findings on a wide range of behaviours, from inappropriate comments in public or online to physical and sexual assaults. Results are based on responses from more than 43,000 Canadians living in the ten provinces, who were each assigned a weight so as to be representative of the entire Canadian population 15 years of age and older. Data from Yukon, the Northwest Territories, and Nunavut will be published at a later date, as will information on the various forms of intimate partner violence experienced by Canadians in their lifetime (since age 15) and in the 12 months preceding the survey (see Text box 2).Note  This article takes a gender-based approach by comparing results between genders and, where possible, taking the intersection of various other characteristics into account.Note 

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Intimate partner violence and the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces

Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a form of gender-based violence. Although both women and men may experience IPV, women tend to disproportionately experience the most severe forms (Burczycka 2016), are more likely to experience negative physical and emotional consequences as a result of the violence (Burczycka 2016), and comprise the majority of victims of intimate partner violence that is reported to police (Burczycka 2018b; Burczycka 2018a).

To understand gender-based violence, it is critical to also understand the nature and prevalence of IPV. However, in the context of this report, IPV has been excluded for two principle reasons. First, this analysis focuses more specifically on Canadians’ experiences of gender-based violence in public spheres. Second, a report dedicated specifically to the analysis of the IPV data from the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces (SSPPS) will be published separately.

The SSPPS collected information on Canadians’ experiences of IPV since the age of 15 and in the 12 months that preceded the survey. The survey used 28 items covering abusive and violent behaviours including emotional abuse, financial abuse, physical violence, and sexual violence. The breadth of these items, as well as the key addition of questions on the frequency of all types of behaviour, will facilitate analysis examining the various typologies and patterns of IPV and how they are experienced by various subpopulations in Canada, as well as exploring the risk factors, impacts and consequences, and prevalence of this type of violence.

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Canadians’ experiences of unwanted behaviours in public places and online

Gender-based violence encompasses a range of behaviours, not all of which meet the threshold of criminal behaviour (Benoit et al. 2015). Therefore, in addition to the information on criminal behaviours that is collected in the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces (SSPPS), an important data gap filled by the survey is a measure of behaviours that are not necessarily criminal in nature, yet still compromise feelings of safety in daily life.

The behaviours measured in the SSPPS that are broadly classified as unwanted behaviours in public are: unwanted physical contact (such as touching or getting too close in a sexual manner); indecent exposure; unwanted comments about sex or gender; unwanted comments about sexual orientation or assumed sexual orientation, and; unwanted sexual attention (such as comments, whistles, gestures, or body language). Respondents were asked to report only those instances that caused them to feel uncomfortable or unsafe.

These types of behaviours are often a function of societal norms, structures, and beliefs, given that, like sexual assault, they tend to be gender-based. Although certain behaviours or gestures may be considered by some to be minor or trivial in comparison to overt sexual violence such as sexual assault, they nevertheless have significant negative impacts on those who are victims of them (Bastomski and Smith 2017; Mellgren et al. 2018).

Examining experiences in public spaces also acknowledges that, just as gender, age, and other characteristics intersect to influence the risk of being a victim of crime or experiencing unwanted behaviours, these same factors also guide how individuals perceive their own safety under certain conditions as well as how they use public spaces more generally (Ceccato 2016; Perreault 2017).

One in three women and one in eight men feel uncomfortable or unsafe in public because of another’s behaviour

The SSPPS defined a public space as anywhere the public is able to access with little or no restriction (e.g., coffee shops, the street, shopping malls, public transportation, bars and restaurants).Note  Unwanted sexual behaviour in these spaces was disproportionately experienced by women. Overall, one in three (32%) women—or about 4.9 million women 15 years of age or older in Canada—experienced some form of unwanted sexual behaviour while they were in a public place in the past 12 months, more than double the proportion of men (13%, representing just over 2 million men) (Table 1).

The most common type of unwanted behaviour women experienced in public was unwanted sexual attention, such as comments, gestures, body language, whistles, or calls. More than 3.8 million women, or 25% of those 15 years of age and older, stated that they had experienced this type of behaviour in public in the past 12 months.

This was followed by unwanted physical contact, such as unsolicited touching or someone intentionally getting too close to them in a sexual manner, reported by 17% of women, and unwanted comments about sex or gender, such as not looking or acting like the person responsible believes a woman should, reported by 12%.

For men, unwanted physical contact, unwanted comments about their sex or gender, and unwanted sexual attention were the most common (each 6%), though the prevalence was lower than that among women.

Women (4%) and men (4%) were equally likely to have experienced unwanted and inappropriate comments about their sexual orientation or assumed sexual orientation (Chart 1, Table 1). This was in contrast to the other types of unwanted behaviour measured by the SSPPS, which were more common among women.

Chart 1 start

Chart 1 Experiences of unwanted sexual behaviour in a public place, by type of behaviour and gender, 2018

Data table for Chart 1 
Data table for Chart 1
Table summary
This table displays the results of Data table for Chart 1. The information is grouped by Type of behaviour (appearing as row headers), Women and Men, calculated using percent and standard error units of measure (appearing as column headers).
Type of behaviour WomenData table Note  Men
percent standard error percent standard error
Any type 31.8 0.50 13.4Note * 0.43
Unwanted sexual attention 24.8 0.47 5.5Note * 0.29
Unwanted comments about sexual orientation or assumed sexual orientation 3.7 0.24 3.9 0.25
Unwanted comments about sex or gender 11.7 0.41 5.9Note * 0.30
Indecent exposure 4.4 0.27 3.1Note * 0.21
Unwanted physical contact 17.3 0.45 6.3Note * 0.31

Chart 1 end

Majority of those who experience unwanted sexual behaviour say it happened once or twice

Most women and men who experienced any type of unwanted sexual behaviour in a public place said it happened once or twice in the past 12 months (Chart 2). However, a considerably larger proportion of women than men said that they experienced unwanted sexual attention or unwanted physical contact three or more times. In fact, almost half (45%) of women who had experienced unwanted sexual attention in the past 12 months said that it happened at least three times.

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Chart 2 Experiences of unwanted sexual behaviours in public places in the past 12 months, by gender, type of behaviour, and frequency of behaviour, 2018

Data table for Chart 2 
Data table for Chart 2
Table summary
This table displays the results of Data table for Chart 2. The information is grouped by Gender and type of behaviour (appearing as row headers), 1 or 2 times, 3 to 5 times, 6 to 10 times and More than 10 times, calculated using percent units of measure (appearing as column headers).
Gender and type of behaviour 1 or 2 times 3 to 5 times 6 to 10 times More than 10 times
percent
Women
Unwanted sexual attention 13.6 5.9 2.3 3.0
Unwanted comments about sexual orientation or assumed sexual orientation 2.6 0.8 0.2 0.1
Unwanted comments about sex or gender 7.9 2.4 0.7 0.7
Indecent exposure 3.7 0.5 0.1 0.1
Unwanted physical contact 12.0 3.4 1.0 0.9
Men
Unwanted sexual attention 4.2 0.9 0.2 0.3
Unwanted comments about sexual orientation or assumed sexual orientation 2.7 0.8 0.2 0.2
Unwanted comments about sex or gender 4.3 1.0 0.3 0.3
Indecent exposure 2.3 0.5 0.1 0.2
Unwanted physical contact 4.9 1.0 0.2 0.3

Chart 2 end

Women and men living in the core of larger cities more likely to experience unwanted behaviours in public

On the whole, the likelihood of experiencing unwanted behaviours in public did not vary widely across the provinces. The trend observed at the national level held true in all provinces in 2018, as women were more likely than men to have experienced unwanted behaviours in public across the country (Table 2).

Experiencing unwanted behaviours in a public place was more likely to occur in urban areas and major cities. Those who lived in the core of a census metropolitan area (CMA)Note  or a census agglomeration (CA)Note  were more likely to have experienced inappropriate behaviours in public than those who lived in a rural area or in a CMA or CA but outside of the core. One in three (34%) women living in the core of a CMA or CA experienced unwanted sexual behaviour in a public place, compared with one in four of those living in a rural area (26%) or outside the core of a CMA or CA (27%). A similar trend was evident among men, as 15% of men living in the core of a CMA or CA experienced unwanted sexual behaviour in public, compared with 11% of those living in rural areas and 10% of those in a CMA or CA but outside of the core.

This may be due in part to the nature of populated urban areas compared with rural areas, as there are not only more public spaces where people may congregate, but also a higher volume and density of people. The higher prevalence of these types of behaviour may also be related to younger populations in the urban core as well as the higher degree of anonymity afforded to those living in urban centres, in contrast to rural areas where people are more likely to know one another and familiarity or interconnectedness may dissuade certain behaviours.

The prevalence of unwanted sexual behaviour in public places did not differ across most CMAs. Those that were different from the national average tended to follow a relatively consistent pattern: the prevalence was lower in CMAs east of Ontario and higher in those CMAs in Ontario, the Prairie provinces, and British Columbia (Chart 3). In Ottawa, Toronto, Regina, Calgary, Vancouver, and Victoria, about four in ten women experienced unwanted sexual behaviours while in a public place in the past 12 months. For men, there was less variation across CMAs; men in Québec and Montréal were less likely than men in general to have experienced unwanted sexual behaviour in public, while those in Toronto and Winnipeg were most likely.

Chart 3 start

Chart 3 Experiences of unwanted sexual behaviours in public places in the past 12 months, by gender and census metropolitan area, 2018

Data table for Chart 3 
Data table for Chart 3
Table summary
This table displays the results of Data table for Chart 3. The information is grouped by Gender and census metropolitan area (appearing as row headers), Percent and Standard error (appearing as column headers).
Gender and census metropolitan area Percent Standard error
Women
St. John's 26.1Note * 2.21
Moncton 20.6Note * 3.44
Saguenay 15.7Note * 3.80
Québec 18.7Note * 1.84
Sherbrooke 24.0Note * 3.64
OttawaData table Note 1 37.8Note * 1.90
Toronto 37.3Note * 1.85
Regina 38.4Note * 2.29
Calgary 40.0Note * 2.45
Vancouver 38.5Note * 1.54
Victoria 40.9Note * 3.07
Total, provincesData table Note  31.8 0.50
Men
Québec 9.8Note * 1.44
Montréal 10.0Note * 1.08
Toronto 15.9Note * 1.47
Winnipeg 17.5Note * 1.54
Total, provincesData table Note †† 13.4 0.43

Chart 3 end

Age and sexual orientation main predictors of experiencing unwanted behaviour in public for women and men

When holding demographic characteristics constant, the odds of experiencing unwanted behaviour in public were nearly four times higher among women when compared to men (Model 1). However, not all women and men have the same likelihood of experiencing inappropriate or unwanted behaviour in public places. Given that the individuals that comprise these categories have varying socio-demographic characteristics, the probability of experiencing unwanted behaviour in public can also vary (Table 3).

Young women and women who are a sexual minority most likely to experience unwanted sexual behaviour in public

Unwanted behaviours were experienced by the majority of bisexual women (76%), women 15 to 24 years of age (61%), women currently attending school (57%), women who were single and never married (54%), lesbian women (51%), and half of 25-to-34-year-olds (50%). Compared to women overall, the prevalence was also higher among women who were First Nations (40%), Métis (40%), had a disability (39%), or who were currently employed (37%).

When holding several demographic characteristics constant,Note Note  age and sexual orientation had the largest effect on a woman’s likelihood of experiencing unwanted sexual behaviour in a public place. The odds of experiencing unwanted sexual behaviour in public were three times higher among 15 to 24-year-old and 25 to 34-year-old women when compared to those 35 years of age and older. Similarly, being a sexual minority (see Text box 1) increased the odds of experiencing unwanted sexual behaviour in public by 2.8 times when compared to heterosexual women.

For women, being single or having a disability (each with 1.8 times higher odds) remained associated with the likelihood of experiencing unwanted sexual behaviour in public even after controlling for other factors.Note  Though women currently attending school had a higher prevalence than nearly all other groups of women, this association did not hold true when controlling for other factors—and particularly, age. First Nations, Métis, or Inuit (IndigenousNote  ) identity also did not emerge as a significant risk factor on its own among women.

Odds of experiencing unwanted sexual behaviour in public four times higher for sexual minority men than for heterosexual men

Four in ten gay (38%) or bisexual (41%) men experienced one or more types of unwanted sexual behaviour in the past 12 months, three times the proportion of heterosexual men (12%). Additionally, men who were attending school (25%), those who were 15 to 24-years-old (24%), and those who were single (22%) reported a higher prevalence of unwanted sexual behaviour than men overall, similar to the findings among women.

When holding demographic characteristics constant, sexual orientation was the largest risk factor for men, where sexual minorities had odds of experiencing unwanted sexual behaviour in public nearly four times higher than heterosexual men.

Age also continued to have an impact even when controlling for other variables, with the odds about twice as high among those 15 to 24 or 25 to 34 when compared to those 35 or older. Having a disability had a similar impact to that of age on the odds of experiencing unwanted sexual behaviour in public among men.

While it did not emerge as a significant characteristic on its own for women, Indigenous identity increased the odds of experiencing unwanted sexual behaviour in public among men by 1.6 times compared to non-Indigenous men, when controlling for other factors. More specifically, when disaggregating to examine the odds among First Nations, Métis, and Inuit men separately, the odds were higher among Métis men but not among any other group of Indigenous men.Note 

A male stranger acting alone most often responsible for unwanted sexual behaviour in public

Most Canadians who were targeted by unwanted sexual behaviour said that one person was responsible for the most serious instanceNote . Women were slightly more likely than men to state that only one person was responsible (81% versus 74%) (Table 4).

Nine in ten (88%) women said that, when it came to the most serious instance they experienced, a man was the person responsible (Table 4). Though to a lesser degree, men who experienced inappropriate sexual behaviour in a public place also most commonly stated that a male was responsible for the most serious incident (62%). One-quarter (27%) of men stated that a woman was responsible for the most serious incident, well above the proportion of women who stated the same (5%).

Given the nature of many public places and, as mentioned, the higher prevalence reported by those living in higher-density areas in urban centres, the person responsible was most commonly a stranger. This was the case for 80% of women and 68% of men (Table 4). Notably, three-quarters (75%) of women stated that a male stranger was responsible for the most serious instance. A male stranger was also the most common perpetrator of the most serious incident experienced by men (47%), while one in five men (20%) stated that a female stranger was responsible.

Of those who experienced unwanted sexual behaviour, men were more likely than women to state that the most serious instance occurred at a restaurant or bar (28% versus 20%)—though this was the most common location of the most serious incident for both men and women (Table 4). In contrast, women were more likely than men to have experienced the most serious instance while on a sidewalk or street—whether in their own neighbourhood (15% versus 10%) or any other neighbourhood (12% versus 8%).

About one in ten women (13%) and men (10%) stated that the most serious instance of unwanted sexual behaviour they experienced took place on public transportation (Table 4). This represented 629,000 women and 211,000 men in 2018—likely an underestimation of the total scope of those who experienced unwanted sexual behaviour on public transportation, since those who were targeted were only asked to provide details about the most serious instance.

About one in three respondents stated that the most serious instance they experienced was related to the alcohol or drug use of the perpetrator, with this being slightly more common among men than women (34% versus 30%) (Table 4). Of note, a considerable proportion of women (32%) and men (26%) did not know if the incident was related to alcohol or drug use.

Half of women and men change their behaviour after experiencing unwanted sexual behaviours in public

Research has noted several possible negative outcomes of experiencing unwanted behaviours in public, such as having to alter their routines, their behaviours, or their means of transportation due to fear while in public or perhaps in order to avoid experiencing further harassment (Fisher et al. 2017; Gardner et al. 2017). These reactions can hinder movement and further infringe on the ability to fully engage in society and access public spaces, particularly for women since they are more likely to be the targets of these behaviours (Bastomski and Smith 2017).

Overall, 52% of women and 46% of men who experienced unwanted sexual behaviour made at least one change to their routine or behaviour following the most serious instance. For both women and men, avoidance—of certain people, situations, or places—was the most common behavioural change made after experiencing unwanted sexual behaviours in public (Chart 4). As a result of the most serious instance, women were more likely than men to avoid certain places, change their self-presentation in public (i.e. the way they dress or act), or begin carrying something to defend themselves or alert others. About half of those who experienced unwanted sexual behaviours while in public did not change their behaviours, routines, or actions as a result (45% of women and 51% of men).

Chart 4 start

Chart 4 Change in behaviour as a result of the most serious instance of unwanted sexual behaviour in a public place in the past 12 months, by gender, 2018

Data table for Chart 4 
Data table for Chart 4
Table summary
This table displays the results of Data table for Chart 4. The information is grouped by Change in behaviour (appearing as row headers), Women and Men, calculated using percent and standard error units of measure (appearing as column headers).
Change in behaviour WomenData table Note  Men
percent standard error percent standard error
Avoiding certain places 24.2 0.99 16.7Note * 1.19
Changing routine to avoid certain people or situations 31.1 1.08 30.8 1.64
Changing how you present yourself in public (i.e., changing the way you dress or act) 10.8 0.79 7.0Note * 0.81
Carrying something to defend yourself or alert others 8.6 0.77 3.5Note * 0.68
Becoming withdrawn from social events or activities you typically enjoy 5.6 0.47 5.7 0.79
Staying home to avoid similar experiences 8.1 0.62 6.3 0.75
Other change 6.1 0.53 4.1Note * 0.69
Did not change behaviour at all 45.1 1.06 51.2Note * 1.71

Chart 4 end

Most experiences of unwanted sexual behaviour in public result in negative emotional consequences

While not necessarily resulting in behavioural changes, experiences of unwanted sexual behaviours typically had a negative emotional impact on those who experienced them. Most often, these experiences caused feelings of annoyance, increased cautiousness and awareness, anger, and confusion or frustration. Of note, women were more than twice as likely to say that the most serious instance they experienced caused them to be fearful (28% versus 11% of men). A small minority—6% of women and 11% of men—stated that the most serious instance had no negative emotional impact.

On the whole, not only were women more likely than men to experience unwanted sexual behaviour in public, but these behaviours had a greater negative impact on women’s emotional well-being and were more likely to lead to changes in routine or behaviour. These impacts can serve to limit the ways in which women interact or engage with society and access or use public spaces.

Canadians’ experiences of unwanted behaviour online

In addition to looking at behaviours in public, the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces (SSPPS) also explored forms of negative experiences encountered while online or using a smartphone or cellphone in the past 12 months. While online spaces can be public (i.e., social media platforms), they can also be private (i.e., text messages or private messages). That said, like public places, everyone should be free to access all online spaces without being made to feel unsafe or uncomfortable because of their gender, yet harassment and abuse experienced online has been recognized as an emerging form of gender-based violence, particularly against women and girls (Lewis et al. 2017). Given that much of daily life now takes place online, understanding certain online behaviours and how they impact Canadians of all genders is important.

Being sent sexual or threatening messages most common forms of unwanted behaviour online

As with behaviours in public places, women (18%) were more likely than men (14%) to have experienced an unwanted behaviour that made them feel unsafe or uncomfortable in a virtual space in the past 12 months (Table 1). While the gender gap persisted, it is interesting to note that women were nearly twice as likely to have experienced unwanted behaviours in public places (32%) than they were online (18%). In contrast, men were equally as likely to experience unwanted sexual behaviours online (14%) as they were in public places (13%).

More specifically, the unwanted behaviours most commonly experienced by women online were being sent unwanted sexually suggestive or explicit images or messages (11%) or threatening or aggressive emails or messages (10%) (Table 1; Chart 5). These were also the most common behaviours experienced by men, though the prevalence was lower (6% and 8%, respectively). Though less common, women were also more likely than men to have been pressured to send, share, or post sexually suggestive or explicit images or messages (4% versus 2%).

Chart 5 start

Chart 5 Experiences of unwanted sexual behaviour online in the past 12 months, by type of behaviour and gender, 2018

Data table for Chart 5 
Data table for Chart 5
Table summary
This table displays the results of Data table for Chart 5. The information is grouped by Type of behaviour (appearing as row headers), Women and Men, calculated using percent and standard error units of measure (appearing as column headers).
Type of behaviour WomenData table Note  Men
percent standard error percent standard error
Any type 18.4 0.50 13.6Note * 0.43
Being sent unwanted sexually suggestive or explicit images or messages 10.7 0.41 6.5Note * 0.30
Pressure to send, share, or post sexually suggestive or explicit images or messages 3.7 0.26 1.8Note * 0.16
Posting or distributing, or threatening to post or distribute, intimate or sexually explicit images without consent 1.6 0.21 1.6 0.14
Threatening or aggressive messages sent to a group or on social media 4.4 0.30 4.2 0.24
Threatening or aggressive emails or messages directed at you personally 10.2 0.40 7.6Note * 0.32

Chart 5 end

Women and men were equally likely to have been targeted by threatening or aggressive messages sent to a group or on social media (4% each) or to have someone post or share, or threaten to post or share, intimate or sexually explicit images of them without their consent (2% each).

As was the case with the prevalence of unwanted behaviours in public, the majority of those who experienced unwanted behaviour online stated that it happened once or twice in the past 12 months. Depending on the type of behaviour, this was the case for between 55% and 78% of menNote  and for between 58% and 73% of women.Note 

Prevalence of online harassment highest among younger women

As with other types of gender-based violence, the prevalence of online harassment was higher among younger women, with one-third (33%) of women aged 15 to 24 having experienced at least one instance in the past 12 months (Table 3). When holding other demographic factors constant, 15 to 24 year old women had odds twice as high as those 35 or older of experiencing unwanted behaviour online.

First Nations (34%) and Métis (30%) women of all ages also reported experiencing unwanted behaviour online at a higher rate than non-Indigenous women, an association that remained after controlling for other demographic factors.

Half (50%) of all bisexual women had experienced online harassment in the past 12 months, while the prevalence was similar between lesbian women (21%) and heterosexual women (18%). On the whole, being a sexual minority resulted in 1.8 times higher odds of experiencing online harassment among women.

Women with disabilities and women who were single were also more likely to experience online harassment, both in terms of prevalence (27% and 31%, respectively) and when keeping other factors constant (2.3 and 2.0 times higher odds, respectively).

Sexual orientation main risk factor for online harassment among men

As with unwanted behaviours in public places, sexual orientation was the most noteworthy risk factor among men when it came to online harassment as well. Overall, four in ten (40%) bisexual men and more than one-quarter (28%) of gay men had experienced online harassment in the past 12 months. When holding other demographic characteristics constant, being a sexual minority increased the odds of online harassment by 2.8 times for men.

Age was also an important factor among men, with one in five (20%) men 15 to 24 having experienced unwanted behaviour online in the past 12 months, higher than any other age group, and 1.5 times higher odds than men 35 years of age or older.

Having a disability (1.8 times higher odds) and being separated, divorced, or widowed (1.4 times higher odds) were also associated with higher odds of online harassment among men, while being unemployed decreased the odds among men (0.8 times).

Overall, living in an urban area increased the odds of being targeted by online harassment when other characteristics were held constant (Model 2). Women (19%) and men (14%) living in urban areas reported a higher prevalence of online harassment than did their counterparts living in rural areas (16% and 11%, respectively).

Many Internet users take measures to protect themselves from harassment

Aligning with previous research which shows that women are more likely than men to have taken precautionary measures to protect themselves from victimization (Perreault 2017), women were also more likely than men to have taken a protective measure online due to harassment (28% versus 19%) (Table 1). Protective or avoidance measures online can include limiting one’s internet use or participation on social media, blocking others, deleting accounts or changing usernames, among other potential actions taken by an individual to protect themselves against harassment online. Women aged 15 to 24 years were more likely than any other age group to have taken protective measures online, with 40% having done so.

With regard to specific types of protective measures, both women and men most commonly limited their own Internet use or social media participation (17% and 12%, respectively) or changed their usernames or blocked others (17% and 10%, respectively) as a protective measure (Table 1). A smaller proportion of women (4%) shut down or deleted an account entirely because of harassment they experienced, slightly higher than that of men (3%).

Though it is not necessarily a causal relationship, it is worth noting that those who experienced some sort of unwanted behaviour online were considerably more likely than those with no such experiences to have taken protective measures in the past 12 months. Nearly three-quarters (72%) of women who had experienced unwanted behaviour online took protective measures, compared with 18% of those who had not experienced any unwanted behaviours. The same trend was noted among men, as the corresponding proportions were 51% and 14%, respectively.

Many of those who experience unwanted behaviour online do not know the perpetrator

A large proportion of those who experienced unwanted behaviours online had little knowledge of who the perpetrator or perpetrators were. Among women, 28% did not know the relationship of the perpetrator to them, 20% did not know how many people were responsible, and 33% did not know the sex of the perpetrator (Table 5). Among men, these proportions were even higher: 46%, 31%, and 53%, respectively. Furthermore, 31% of women and 25% of men stated that the perpetrator was a stranger; in other words, while they were able to identify a specific perpetrator, they still did not know who that person was.

The fact that women were more likely than men to know who was responsible for their experiences online suggests that the nature of these behaviours may be different between women and men. While men were more likely to be targeted by an anonymous perpetrator, women appeared to be either more commonly targeted by someone known to them, or the nature of the behaviour made it easier to identify the perpetrator’s identity—for example, it was more likely to be a behaviour which happened in a one-on-one conversation or forum.

Women more likely to experience negative emotional impacts and to talk to someone about their experience

Similar to what was seen with unwanted sexual behaviour in public, women were more likely than men to have experienced a negative emotional impact as a result of the most serious instance of unwanted behaviour experienced online. One in five (21%) men said that the most serious instance had no negative emotional impact, more than twice the proportion of women who said likewise (8%). A further 13% of men said they experienced “not much” emotional impact, compared with 8% of women.

Women most often stated that the most serious instance of online behaviour caused them to feel annoyed (50%), upset, confused, or frustrated (46%), angry (46%), or more cautious and aware (39%). Though fewer men reported experiencing these emotional impacts, they were also the four most common, reported by 35%, 29%, 30%, and 30% of men, respectively.

Not only were women more likely to report negative emotional impacts, they were also more likely to speak with somebody about their experience with online behaviours (Table 5). When compared to men, women were more likely to speak with friends (56% versus 36%), family members (44% versus 31%), co-workers (16% versus 13%), a counsellor, psychologist, or social worker (9% versus 3%), the administrator of the service where the incident took place (8% versus 4%), or a lawyer (3% versus 2%). In contrast, men were considerably more likely than women to state that they did not speak to anybody about the most serious instance (39% versus 21%).

Start of text box 3

Text box 3
Inappropriate sexual behaviour in the workplace

Beyond public places and online, the workplace is also a setting in which unwanted or inappropriate sexual behaviours can occur. Using a subset of questions adapted from the Survey on Sexual Misconduct in the Canadian Armed Forces, the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces (SSPPS) asked respondents about witnessing and experiencing certain behaviours in the workplace or in a work-related setting, such as a work-sanctioned event, party, or training exercise. A survey specifically dedicated to measuring sexual misconduct in workplace-related settings is currently in development, with collection planned for 2020.

Men more likely to witness inappropriate sexual behaviour at work, while women more likely to personally experience it

More than half of all individuals who were employed in the year preceding the survey stated that they witnessed at least one instance of inappropriate sexual behaviour in the workplace. Men (56%) more commonly witnessed this behaviour than did women (53%).

When it came to personally experiencing these behaviours in the workplace, however, the reverse was true, with women more likely than men to have experienced one or more behaviour in the workplace in the 12 months preceding the survey (29% versus 17%).

Of the behaviours measured in the SSPPS, the most common behaviour personally experienced in the workplace was sexual jokes, both among women (18%) and men (12%). Women were considerably more likely than men to have experienced unwanted sexual attention (15% versus 4%), unwanted physical contact (13% versus 5%), or being insulted, mistreated, ignored, or excluded because of their gender (10% versus 3%).

Text box 3 table start


Text box 3 table
Unwanted sexual behaviours at work, by gender and type of behaviour, provinces, 2018
Table summary
This table displays the results of Unwanted sexual behaviours at work. The information is grouped by Type of unwanted sexual behaviour (appearing as row headers), Women, Men, percent and 95% confidence interval, calculated using from and to units of measure (appearing as column headers).
Type of unwanted sexual behaviour WomenText box Note  Men
percentText box Note 1 95% confidence interval percentText box Note 1 95% confidence interval
from to from to
Inappropriate sexual jokes 18 17 19 12Note * 11 13
Unwanted sexual attention 15 14 16 4Note * 4 5
Unwanted physical contact 13 12 14 5Note * 4 5
Suggestions that you do not act like a man or woman is supposed to act 8 7 9 5Note * 4 5
Someone insulted, mistreated, ignored, or excluded you because of your gender 10 9 11 3Note * 3 4
Someone insulted, mistreated, ignored, or excluded you because of your sexual orientation 2 1 2 1 1 2
Someone insulted, mistreated, ignored, or excluded you because you are, or are assumed to be, transgender 0.5 0.4 0.7 0.6 0.4 0.9
Experienced unwanted sexual behaviour at work 29 28 30 17Note * 16 18

Text box 3 table end

Furthermore, the prevalence of experiencing inappropriate sexual behaviour in the workplace was highest among women who stated that they worked in a male-dominated environment (i.e., their co-workers were all or mostly male). Four in ten (39%) women working in a male-dominated environment were personally targeted by unwanted sexual behaviour, compared with 27% of women working in a female-dominated environment and 28% working in an environment that was about evenly distributed.

For men, the prevalence of inappropriate sexual behaviour was highest among those who worked in a female-dominated environment (24%), and was similar for men working in a male-dominated environment (16%) or a workplace that was evenly divided (15%) (Text box 3 chart).

Text box 3 chart start

Text box 3 chart Experiences of inappropriate sexual behaviour in the workplace in the past 12 months, by gender and gender distribution in the workplace, provinces, 2018

Data table for Text box 3 chart 
Data table for text box 3 Chart
Table summary
This table displays the results of Data table for text box 3 Chart. The information is grouped by Gender distribution in the workplace (appearing as row headers), Women and Men, calculated using percent and standard error units of measure (appearing as column headers).
Gender distribution in the workplace Women Men
percent standard error percent standard error
Mostly male co-workers 38.9 1.69 16.4 0.81
Mostly female co-workers 27.3 0.88 23.8 1.82
About evenly divided 27.8 1.09 15.1 0.75

Text box 3 chart end

While witnessing or experiencing unwanted sexual behaviour was asked specifically in the context of the workplace, those who were physically or sexually assaulted in any setting were asked details about the most serious incident, including whether or not it occurred at their place of work. The proportion of victims who stated that the most serious incident they experienced had occurred in their workplace ranged from 18% of women and 21% of men who were sexually assaulted, to 26% of men and 29% of women who were physically assaulted.

End of text box 3

Canadians’ experiences of physical and sexual assault

Self-reported surveys provide an important complement to official police-reported data on crime, since the majority of criminal incidents never come to the attention of police. Statistics Canada has been measuring self-reported violent victimization in Canada since the early 1990s, through the General Social Survey (GSS) on Canadians’ Safety (Victimization). The GSS has gone through several cycles since 1993, making important additions over the years, including, adapting questions on spousal violence and criminal harassment from the 1993 Violence Against Women Survey.

Start of text box 4

Text box 4
Measuring violent victimization in the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces

In the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces, the following five questions are used to measure physical assault and sexual assault:

Physical assault:

  • Since you were 15, have you been attacked by anyone; that is anything from being threatened, hit, slapped, pushed or grabbed, to being shot or beaten?
  • Since you were 15, has anyone threatened to hit or attack you, or threatened you with a weapon?

Sexual assault:

  • Since you were 15, has anyone ever touched you against your will in any sexual way; that is, anything from unwanted touching or grabbing, to kissing or fondling?
  • Since you were 15, has anyone, including family and non-family, forced you or attempted to force you into any unwanted sexual activity by threatening you, holding you down or hurting you in some way?
  • Since you were 15, has anyone subjected you to a sexual activity to which you were not able to consent; that is, were you drugged, intoxicated, manipulated or forced in other ways than physically?

The prevalence of physical assault and sexual assault in the past 12 months was measured by asking respondents who stated yes to any of these questions if any incidents had occurred in the past 12 months.

End of text box 4

Over 11 million Canadians have experienced physical or sexual assault since age 15

More than 11 million Canadians reported that they had been a victim of physical or sexual assault since the age of 15, representing 37% of the Canadian population 15 years of age and older (Table 6). Women (39%) were slightly more likely than men (35%) to have reported being a victim of violent crime at some point since age 15 (Table 6).

Three in ten women aged 15 years and older have been sexually assaulted at least once since age 15

The gender gap in victimization was driven by a substantially higher prevalence of sexual assaults experienced by women, who were almost four times more likely to have been sexually assaulted since age 15. Approximately 4.7 million women—or 30% of all women 15 years of age and older—reported that they had been a victim of sexual assault at least once since the age of 15. The prevalence among men was notably smaller, with 1.2 million (8%) men having been sexually assaulted since the age of 15 (Table 6).

Likelihood of being a victim similar across provinces

Looking at experiences of violent victimization since the age of 15 at the provincial level can provide important information as to the potential needs of residents, though it should be acknowledged that the victimization experienced may not have happened in their province of residence. On the whole, the likelihood of being a victim of physical or sexual assault did not vary greatly between the provinces. The proportion of women who had experienced sexual assault since age 15 was far greater than the proportion of men in every province (Table 7). Women in British Columbia (37%) and Alberta (35%) most often reported experiencing sexual assault since age 15. In contrast, women in Newfoundland and Labrador (25%) and Quebec (25%) were the least likely to report being the victim of a sexual assault. For men, the prevalence of sexual assault in British Columbia (11%) was higher than the provincial average (8%).

The difference between men and women’s experiences of physical assault was less pronounced, with men being slightly more likely than women to report experiencing physical assault since age 15 (33% versus 26%, respectively). In almost every province, men were more likely than women to have been physically assaulted (Table 7). Among the provinces, men in Nova Scotia (40%), Alberta (39%) and British Columbia (39%) were more likely to report experiencing physical assault than other provinces and the provincial average overall (33%). For women, the likelihood of experiencing physical assault was highest in Alberta (30%) and British Columbia (29%), slightly higher than the provincial average (26%) (Table 7).

Characteristics of violent victimization experienced since age 15

Certain groups of people—including lesbian, gay, and bisexual people, people with disabilities, and young people—are at an increased risk of victimization (Conroy and Cotter 2017; Perreault 2015; Simpson 2018). Further, women who identified as belonging to an Indigenous group (First Nations, Métis, or Inuit) were more likely than non-Indigenous people to report experiencing violence since the age of 15 (55% versus 38%, respectively) (Table 8). A sexual orientation other than heterosexual was also associated with higher levels of lifetime victimization.

Most notably, almost two-thirds (63%) of bisexual Note  women and almost six in ten (58%) bisexual men were physically or sexually assaulted since age 15 (Table 8). Over half (55%) of bisexual women reported that they had been sexually assaulted in their lifetime. Lesbian or gay women (56%) and men (52%) were also notably more likely to have reported being the victim of a violent crime during their lifetime compared to their heterosexual counterparts (Table 8). These results are similar to the 12-month prevalence rates, both in the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces and the General Social Survey on Canadians’ Safety (Victimization) (Perreault 2015; Simpson 2018).

Risk factors associated with a higher likelihood of victimization since age 15

Certain life experiences such as a history of homelessness or childhood victimization and behaviours (e.g. frequent binge drinking or drug use) have been identified as risk factors associated with violent victimization in other research (Boyce 2016; Perreault 2015). In 2018, those who reported frequent marijuana and other drug use in the past 12 months were significantly more likely to have experienced physical or sexual assault during their lifetime than those who reported never consuming drugs. Notably, men who reported using marijuana multiple times a week were twice as likely to have experienced violent victimization since age 15 than men who reported never using marijuana (60% versus 30%) (Table 9).

Binge drinkingNote  was also associated with violent victimization. In 2018, more than half of women (58%) and men (54%) who reported binge drinking once a week or more in the past 12 months had experienced at least one instance of physical or sexual assault since age 15.

It is important to note that causation cannot be determined from this analysis because the binge drinking or marijuana use did not necessarily precede the violent victimization. In other words, it is also possible that the binge drinking followed the victimization.

Studies have shown a link between childhood victimization and an increased risk of subsequent revictimization in adulthood, with most research focused on victims of sexual assault (Burczycka and Conroy 2017; Maker et al. 2001; Parks et al. 2011; Widom et al. 2008). Slightly more than one-quarter (27%) of Canadians reported being victims of either physical or sexual assault by an adult at least once before the age of 15. In 2018, Canadians who reported at least one instance of childhood victimization were far more likely to report having been victimized since age 15 than those who did not experience victimization during their childhood (Table 9). For example, more than half (52%) of women who were abused during childhood reported being sexually assaulted at some point after age 15, compared with less than one-quarter (22%) who had no history of childhood abuse (Table 9).

Overall, men and women equally as likely to experience violence in the past 12 months

In 2018, approximately 1.3 million Canadians—or 4% of those aged 15 and older—indicated that they were physically or sexually assaulted in the 12 months preceding the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces (SSPPS) (Table 6).

When viewed in the context of historical findings from the General Social Survey (GSS) on Canadians’ Safety (Victimization), results from the SSPPS show that the proportion of the population who have been a victim of sexual assault or physical assault in the 12 months preceding the survey has remained relatively stable since 1999, for both women and men (Chart 6; Chart 7).

Chart 6 start

Chart 6 Self-reported sexual assault in the past 12 months, by gender of victim, provinces, 1999, 2004, 2009, 2014, and 2018

Data table for Chart 6 
Data table for Chart 6
Table summary
This table displays the results of Data table for Chart 6. The information is grouped by Survey and year (appearing as row headers), Women and Men, calculated using percent, standard error and percent units of measure (appearing as column headers).
Survey and year Women Men
percent standard error percent standard error
GSS
1999 2.0 0.14 0.5 0.08
2004 2.0 0.14 0.4 0.07
2009 2.0 0.19 0.8 0.14
2014 1.9 0.18 0.4 0.07
SSPPS
2018 2.9 0.23 1.0 0.12

Chart 6 end

Chart 7 start

Chart 7 Self-reported physical assault in the past 12 months, by gender of victim, provinces, 1999, 2004, 2009, 2014, and 2018

Data table for Chart 7 
Data table for Chart 7
Table summary
This table displays the results of Data table for Chart 7. The information is grouped by Survey and year (appearing as row headers), Women and Men, calculated using percent, standard error and percent units of measure (appearing as column headers).
Survey and year Women Men
percent standard error percent standard error
GSS
1999 2.1 0.15 4.2 0.23
2004 1.9 0.15 4.2 0.23
2009 2.4 0.20 4.5 0.30
2014 1.7 0.14 2.9 0.22
SSPPS
2018 2.0 0.19 3.6 0.23

Chart 7 end

Sexual assault more prevalent among women, physical assault more prevalent among men

While there is no gender difference in the prevalence of overall violent victimization, there are notable differences in the nature of it. Although women (676,000, or 4%) and men (654,000, or 4%) were equally likely to have been the victim of a violent crime in 2018, there are notable gender gaps depending on the nature of the victimization (Table 6; Chart 8). Women were significantly more likely than men to have experienced sexual assault in the 12 months preceding the survey (3% versus 1% of men) but less likely, outside of the context of intimate relationships (see Text box 1), to have been the victim of physical assault (2% versus 4% of men) (Chart 8). For both women and men, the most common form of sexual assault experienced was unwanted sexual touching.

Chart 8 start

Chart 8 Experiences of violent victimization in the past 12 months, by type of victimization and gender of victim, provinces, 2018

Data table for Chart 8 
Data table for Chart 8
Table summary
This table displays the results of Data table for Chart 8. The information is grouped by Type of victimization (appearing as row headers), Women and Men, calculated using percent and standard error units of measure (appearing as column headers).
Type of victimization WomenData table Note  Men
percent standard error percent standard error
Physical assault 2.0 0.19 3.6Note * 0.23
Sexual assault 2.9 0.23 1.0Note * 0.12
Total violent victimization 4.4 0.27 4.3 0.24

Chart 8 end

These results are consistent with other self-reported data (Perreault 2015) and official police-reported statistics (Conroy 2018) which demonstrate the gendered nature of both physical and sexual assault outside of the context of intimate partner relationships; men are more likely to experience physical assault and women are more likely to experience sexual assault. The responses to, and impacts of, these types of assault also differ (Bastomski and Smith 2017; Benoit et al. 2015).

Among those who had been a victim of physical or sexual assault in the 12 months preceding the SSPPS, men were more likely than women to have experienced one incident of violence, as opposed to multiple incidents (58% versus 46%). However, about three in ten (31%) men who experienced multiple incidents stated that they had experienced six or more incidents of physical or sexual assault, compared to 16% of women.

Prevalence of violent victimization lower than national average in Newfoundland and Labrador and Quebec, higher in Manitoba

Among the provinces, violent victimization in the past 12 months did not vary greatly. There were, however, a few exceptions: a smaller proportion of women in Newfoundland and Labrador (2.5%) and Quebec (3.1%) had been violently victimized than women overall (4.3%), while, in contrast, a somewhat higher proportion of men in Manitoba (6.2%) had been violently victimized than men overall (4.3%) (Table 10).

Women (2.9%) were more likely than men (1%) to have been sexually assaulted in the 12 months preceding the survey (Table 10). However, women in Newfoundland and Labrador (1.5%) and Quebec (2.1%) were less likely than women overall to have been sexually assaulted, while men in Quebec (0.5%) were less likely than men overall to have experienced sexual assault in the past 12 months.

Younger Canadians much more likely to have been victimized in past 12 months

Given that several sociodemographic characteristics are associated with higher rates of victimization, the risk of being a victim of a violent crime is not the same for everyone (Conroy and Cotter 2017; Perreault 2015; Rotenberg 2017; Simpson 2018). For example, regardless of gender, being young has been identified as a significant risk factor for victimization. This is possibly related to the lifestyle characteristics of young adults, such as binge drinking and staying out late after dark (Conroy and Cotter 2017; Perreault 2015). Results from the SSPPS align with previous findings, as the prevalence of victimization in the past 12 months was higher among 15-to-24-year-old women (15%) and men (11%) than any other age group (Table 11) (Perreault 2015; Simpson 2018). As age increased the risk of victimization decreased, with Canadians aged 65 years and older having a much lower risk of victimization than those who were younger. This remained true for both sexual and physical assault after holding other demographic characteristics constant (Model 3; Model 4). However, this does not capture experiences of violence within intimate relationships, where trends may differ.

Lesbian, gay, and bisexual Canadians more likely than heterosexual Canadians to experience violent victimization

Research has shown that rates of violent victimization among individuals who self-identify as lesbian, gay or bisexual are significantly higher than those of their heterosexual counterparts (Beauchamp 2008; Conroy and Cotter 2017; Perreault 2015; Simpson 2018). These findings are consistent with what was found in the SSPPS. In 2018, individuals who identified as being bisexual were more than three times more likely than those who identified as heterosexual to have experienced violent victimization in the 12 months preceding the survey (14% versus 4%) (data not shown). Further, women who identified as bisexual were almost four times more likely than women who identified as heterosexual to have been the victim of sexual assault in the past 12 months (11% versus 3%) (Table 11). However, when controlling for other factors, being lesbian, gay or bisexual did not significantly increase the risk of sexual assault (see Text table 1).

On the other hand, being an immigrant appears to be associated with a lower risk of violent victimization. In 2018, both men and women who were immigrants were significantly less likely than their non-immigrant counterparts to report having experienced violent victimization in the past 12 months and since age 15 (Table 8; Table 11). Previous analysis of the 2014 General Social Survey on Canadians’ Safety (Victimization) has shown that immigrants are notably less likely than non-immigrants to experience violent crime (Ibrahim 2018; Perreault 2015). However, reflecting the gender gap in victimization, immigrant women were far more likely than immigrant men to experience sexual assault (20% versus 6%, respectively (Table 8).

Previous research also suggests that some immigrants may not feel comfortable talking about their experiences of victimization to anyone, including the police, for reasons such as limited understanding of legal rights, fear of getting reported to immigration authorities and facing deportation, distrust of authorities and fear of retaliation, and cultural norms deeming the experiences private (McCart et al. 2010; Davis and Henderson 2003; Davis and Erez 1998). However, results from the 2014 GSS on Victimization indicate that there was no significant difference between immigrants and non-immigrants when it came to reporting the incident to the police themselves (23%E versus 19%, respectively) (Ibrahim 2018).

Characteristics of incidents experienced in the past 12 months

The Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces (SSPPS) asked respondents follow-up questions about incidents of physical assault and sexual assault that occurred in the past 12 months—or, for respondents with more than one instance of violence, details about the most serious incident. The survey also included important questions asking about Canadians’ experiences of dealing with the police if the most serious incident of victimization was reported, as well as key details such as location, presence of weapons, and characteristics of the offender(s).

The vast majority of women victims of sexual assault said that a man was responsible for the most serious incident

Most cases of physical assault outside of intimate relationships were carried out by a lone offender, a finding that did not differ significantly by the gender of the victim (87% for women and 80% for men) (Table 12). Almost nine in ten (87%) men reported that a man was responsible for the most serious physical assault they had experienced, while about two-thirds (68%) of women also stated that this was the case. About one-quarter (23%) of women said a woman was responsible for the most serious incident of physical assault.

With regard to sexual assault, the vast majority (91%) of victims said that one person was responsible for the most serious sexual assault they experienced. Almost all (95%) women stated that the most serious sexual assault they experienced was perpetrated by a man, while slightly more than half (56%) of men said that a woman was responsible for the most serious incident (Table 12).

These findings represent another way in which gender influences violence. Perpetrators are generally male, something which is also reflected in official police-reported statistics where about four in five persons accused of violent crime are men (Conroy 2018). Thus, men are more often both the victims and the perpetrators of violent crimes outside of the context of intimate relationships, with the notable exception of sexual crimes where women are most often victims.

Sexual assault more likely to occur at a commercial or institutional establishment, physical assault in private residences

Women most commonly cited a commercial or institutional establishment as the location of their self-reported most serious sexual assault (38%), followed by a private residence, property or surrounding area (35%). This was similar to men who also reported commercial or institutional establishments (46%) or a private residence, property or surrounding area (34%) as the location of their most serious sexual assault (Table 12).

About half (49%) of women stated that they were physically assaulted in a private residence, property or surrounding area—more than double the proportion of men (19%). Men were most commonly physically assaulted in a commercial or institutional establishment (40%) or on the street or other public place (31%)—findings that are consistent with other victimization surveys and police-reported data (Allen 2018; Perreault 2015).

Four in ten women sexually assaulted by a stranger or someone they know by sight only

Both self-reported and police-reported data indicate that sexual assault victims usually know their perpetrator (Conroy and Cotter 2017; Rotenberg 2017). By contrast, according to the SSPPS, in 2018 four in ten women (44%) who experienced sexual assault in the 12 months preceding the survey said that they were victimized by a stranger or by someone who they knew by sight only, while another four in ten (44%) were victimized by a friend or acquaintance.Note  However, this does not capture experiences of violence within intimate relationships, where trends may differ.

One in five victims of sexual assault experience victim-blaming

Victim-blaming, or being made to feel responsible for one’s own victimization, is sometimes referred to as “secondary victimization”, as the experience of not being supported or being blamed can contribute to self-blame, which can lead victims to remain silent rather than speaking to others, reporting the incident, or seeking help, and can have numerous negative emotional impacts such as further distrust of others or anxiety or depression (Harber et al. 2015). One in five victims of sexual assault—both women (20%) and men (20%)—said that someone made them feel as though they were to blame for their own victimization.

There were two principal sources of the blame felt by women who were sexually assaulted.Note  About four in ten (44%) of those who felt responsible said it was the perpetrator who made them feel that way. An equal proportion of those who felt blamed said it was their friends or family that made them feel that way (43%).

Research has suggested that certain preconceived notions about sexual victimization can be harmful to victims when their lived experiences do not match what an average person would define as a sexual assault. For example, a common myth about sexual assault is that most incidents are committed by a stranger (Johnson 2012), despite the fact that various sources of data show that the perpetrator is most commonly known to the victims. Victims whose sexual assaults do not meet this criterion may be less likely to report their experiences, whether to the police or to others, and if they do share, they may feel less likely to be believed or more likely to experience victim-blaming and secondary victimization as mentioned above (Johnson 2012).

This aligns with what was observed in the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces (SSPPS). Women who were sexually assaulted by a stranger were three times less likely to have felt blamed for their own victimization than those who were victimized by a friend or acquaintance to have felt blamed by anyone for their own victimization (10%Note  versus 31%Note  ).Note 

Vast majority of sexual assaults do not come to the attention of police

The rise of social movements like #MeToo and Time’s Up have sparked public discussion around sexual violence and misconduct in recent years (Rotenberg and Cotter 2018).Note  According to police-reported data collected through the Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) Survey, there was a notable increase in the number of sexual assaults reported to police after the #MeToo movement first went viral (Rotenberg and Cotter 2018). Despite this, sexual assault is one of the most underreported crimes (Benoit et al. 2015; Conroy and Cotter 2017)—a finding which is further supported by data from the SSPPS.

The large majority of women and men who were victims of a sexual assault in the past 12 months did not report the most serious incident to police. Sexual assault was far less likely than physical assault to have been brought to the attention of police—5% of women said that police found outNote  about the most serious incident of sexual assault, compared with 26% of women and 33% of men who said that police found out about the most serious incident of physical assault.Note Note 

The internalization of shame, guilt, or stigma (Johnson 2012; Sable et al. 2006), a perception that they will be blamed, revictimized, dismissed, not believed, or treated disrespectfully (Taylor and Gassner 2010; Venema 2014), or a broader sense of societal normalization of inappropriate or unwanted sexual behaviour (Benoit et al. 2015) are key contributors to victims’ underreporting of sexual assault to police.

Other self-reported data has shown that about two-thirds of sexual assaults are not reported to police because the victim believed it was minor and not worth taking the time to report, it was a private or personal matter and it was handled informally, or because no one was harmed during the incident (Conroy and Cotter 2017). These were also commonly provided reasons for not reporting physical assaults.Note 

Victims’ reluctance to report sexual assault to police is often reinforced by the negative and sometimes traumatizing experiences described by other victims who have spoken with police or have participated in the criminal justice system (Venema 2014). In contrast, when reporting a sexual assault to the police, belief, validation, and a lack of judgement can have positive impacts and promote disclosure (Ahrens et al. 2010; Greeson et al. 2016). However, even those who have positive interactions with the police may describe other negative experiences with the criminal justice system that can deter reporting, such as lengthy court processes or unmet expectations about the outcomes of reporting (Johnson 2017).

For the most part, those who were physically assaultedNote  and spoke with police had positive perceptions of their interactions. While about one-third of women who were physically assaulted felt informed about services or programs (36%), the majority of women who were physically assaulted and spoke with police felt that they were treated with respect (79%), felt that they were believed (89%), and that speaking with police was worth their time or effort (70%). Men who were physically assaulted and spoke to police perceived their interactions similarly to women who were victimized.

It is worth noting that the questions about interactions with police were limited to incidents which had occurred in the past 12 months, and past research has shown that victims of sexual assault are more likely than victims of other types of crime to delay reporting their victimization to police for a variety of reasons, including emotional trauma and the time required to process their victimization (Rotenberg 2017).

Most victims are emotionally impacted by sexual assault

Sexual assault can have serious immediate or long-term emotional, psychological and physical impacts on victims, including feelings of anxiety, shock, fear and anger, substance use, depression, isolation and suicidal thoughts (Brennan and Taylor-Butts 2008; Chen and Ullman 2010; Cybulska 2007; Haskell and Randall 2019; Littleton et al. 2006). Since sexual assault tends to be one of the most underreported crimes—with only 4% being reported to the police according to the SSPPS—self-reported surveys on victimization are essential in providing insight into the emotional impacts experienced by victims. These findings can be used by victim services to deliver appropriate care (Tyson 2019). It should be noted that the SSPPS asks about the emotional impacts of the most serious sexual assault experienced in the past 12 months, not of all sexual assaults.

The vast majority (96%) of women stated that they were emotionally impacted in some way by the most serious sexual assault they had experienced during the 12 months prior to the survey—a proportion significantly higher than that of their male counterparts (78%).

In terms of emotional consequences, on the whole sexual assault impacts women more than men. For example, three in five (60%) women reported that they felt upset, confused or frustrated as a result of their sexual assault compared to two in five (40%) men (Chart 9). Men were also less likely than females to report that they experienced feelings of anger (30%), lacked trust in others (21%), were more cautious or aware (36%) or were experiencing sleeping problems (5%) (Chart 9). Almost one-quarter (22%) of men said that they were not at all impacted by the sexual assault, compared to 2% of women.

Chart 9 start

Chart 9 Emotional impacts experienced by victims of self-reported sexual assault in the past 12 months, by gender of victim, provinces, 2018

Data table for Chart 9 
Data table for Chart 9
Table summary
This table displays the results of Data table for Chart 9. The information is grouped by Emotional impacts (appearing as row headers), Women and Men, calculated using percent and standard error units of measure (appearing as column headers).
Emotional impacts WomenData table Note  Men
percent standard error percent standard error
Upset/confused/frustrated 60.0 4.00 40.0Note * 6.10
Angry 56.0 4.07 30.0Note * 5.81
Annoyed 56.0 3.86 38.0Note * 6.19
More cautious/aware 55.0 3.99 36.0Note * 6.45
Shock/disbelief 43.0 4.18 29.0Note * 5.33
Lack of trust in others 37.0 3.96 21.0Note * 6.01
Fearful 34.0 4.08 11.0Note * 3.67
Ashamed/guilty 24.0 3.37 12.0Note * 4.21
Depression/anxiety attacks 18.0 2.73 10.0 4.07
Sleeping problems 15.0 2.28 Note F: too unreliable to be published Note ...: not applicable
Not at all impacted 2.0 0.93 22.0Note * 5.59

Chart 9 end

Some victims change their day-to-day behaviour or take extra precautions in an attempt to lower their risk of being victimized again (Perreault 2017). In 2018, the majority (57%) of women reported at least one change to their behaviour as a result of their sexual assault, the most common of which was avoiding people or situations (30%). In contrast, just over one-third (36%) of men reported at least one change to their behaviour.

Few victims use or consult victim services

Looking at only the most serious incident, very few of those who were sexually or physically assaulted used or consulted formal services for victims of crime. About one in ten (9%) women who were sexually assaulted consulted victim services.Note Note 

The reasons for not having used or consulted services were similar between men and women who were sexually assaulted. By far, the two most common reasons were a belief that the incident was too minor (52% of women and 46% of men)Note  and the respondent not needing or wanting help (52% of women and 48% of men).Note  Just under one in ten women and men (8% of each) who were sexually assaulted cited shame or embarrassment as a reason for not seeking help.

With respect to physical assault, men (7%) were less likely than women (20%) to contact or use a formal service as a result of a physical assault. The most common reasons for not seeking help from a victims’ service were similar to those provided by victims of sexual assault: the victim felt the incident was too minor (25% of women and 32% of men) or not wanting or needing help (42% of women and 54% of men).

Many of the risk factors for unwanted behaviours and violent victimization are the same

Thus far, this article has focused on exploring differences between the experiences of women and men, both in terms of prevalence of certain behaviours and violent acts, and also of the impacts and consequences of these experiences. However, women and men are not homogenous groups and, as has been highlighted, different characteristics have an impact on not only the prevalence of certain behaviours and violent acts, but also the way in which they are experienced.

Although identifying the overall prevalence among certain groups is useful and informative, it is also critical to acknowledge the intersection of many different parts of an individual’s identity, and the impact that these intersections can have on the risk of being victimized or experiencing unwanted behaviours. That said, some characteristics are closely related, such as age and student status, and it is important to understand which characteristics have the greatest impact on one’s level of risk in isolation. To that end, separate logistic regression models were created to explore which characteristics continued to have an impact when controlling for other factors (Model 1; Model 2; Model 3; Model 4).

After controlling for key factors of interest, there were five factors that remained significantly associated with the odds of experiencing unwanted sexual behaviour in public, online, or being a victim of sexual assault or physical assault. These were: being a woman, younger age, being single, having experienced harsh parenting,Note  and having experienced physical or sexual abuse during childhood (Text table 1).

Text table 1 start


Text table 1
Summary of logistic regressions: Characteristics associated with differences in the odds of unwanted sexual behaviour in a public space, unwanted sexual behaviour online, sexual assault and physical assault, provinces, 2018
Table summary
This table displays the results of Summary of logistic regressions: Characteristics associated with differences in the odds of unwanted sexual behaviour in a public space. The information is grouped by Characteristics associated with differences (appearing as row headers), Dependent variable, Model 1: Unwanted sexual behaviour in a public space, Model 2: Unwanted sexual behaviour online, Model 3: Sexual assault and Model 4: Physical assault, calculated using direction of the association units of measure (appearing as column headers).
Characteristics associated with differences Dependent variable
Model 1: Unwanted sexual behaviour in a public space Model 2: Unwanted sexual behaviour online Model 3: Sexual assault Model 4: Physical assault
direction of the associationText table Note 1
Being a woman increased the odds increased the odds increased the odds decreased the odds
Being younger increased the odds increased the odds increased the odds increased the odds
Being single, never married increased the odds increased the odds increased the odds increased the odds
Having a history of childhood physical or sexual abuse increased the odds increased the odds increased the odds increased the odds
Experienced harsh parenting increased the odds increased the odds increased the odds increased the odds
Binge drinking increased the odds n.s. increased the odds increased the odds
Being separated, divorced, or widowed n.s. increased the odds increased the odds increased the odds
Marijuana use in the past 12 months increased the odds increased the odds increased the odds n.s.
Having fair or poor self-rated mental health increased the odds increased the odds n.s. increased the odds
Having a history of homelessness increased the odds increased the odds n.s. increased the odds
Having a disability increased the odds increased the odds increased the odds n.s.
Being a sexual minority increased the odds increased the odds n.s. n.s.
Illicit drug use in the past 12 months increased the odds increased the odds n.s. n.s.
Living in an urban area increased the odds increased the odds n.s. n.s.
Being unemployed in the past 12 months n.s. decreased the odds n.s. n.s.
Being a visible minority n.s. n.s. n.s. decreased the odds
Currently attending school increased the odds n.s. n.s. n.s.

Text table 1 end

The results from the models demonstrate that gender is a significant risk factor for each of the four types of unwanted behaviour and violent acts examined in this report. When holding other factors of interest constant, women had significantly higher odds than men of experiencing unwanted behaviour online, in a public place, or of being sexually assaulted. Gender was also significantly associated with the odds of being physically assaulted, though in this case the odds were lower among women than among men.

The impact of age was also reflected in all four models, showing that, even when other risk factors are held constant, younger people are at greater risk of unwanted behaviours in public and online, and both sexual and physical assault.

Additionally, having experienced harsh parenting, having been physically or sexually abused during childhood, and being single each increased the odds in all four models. These latter three factors have been linked to violent victimization in the past (Burczycka 2017; Conroy and Cotter 2017; Cotter 2018; Perreault 2015), and data from the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces (SSPPS) show that these factors also increase the likelihood of unwanted experiences in public places and online. Experiences of harsh parenting before the age of 15 was a measure that had not previously been included in a national Statistics Canada victimization survey, and data from the SSPPS show that these experiences increased the likelihood of unwanted behaviours in public, unwanted behaviours online, sexual assault, and physical assault, even when controlling for other factors.

Indigenous identity did not emerge as a significant risk factor for unwanted behaviours or sexual assault on its own when controlling for other factors, suggesting that the higher prevalence among First Nations, Métis, and Inuit persons is related to the presence of other risk factors among these populations. For example, Indigenous persons were more likely to be younger, to have experienced harsh parenting, to have been physically or sexually abused during their childhood, and to be single, each factors which independently increased the odds in all four models. That said, being an Indigenous person did increase the odds of being physically assaulted when taking other factors into consideration.

Summary

This Juristat article presents initial findings from the 2018 Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces (SSPPS)—namely, information on the frequency of unwanted sexual behaviours encountered in public places and online, and the prevalence of physical and sexual assault outside of intimate relationships both in the 12 months preceding the survey and since age 15.

The data collected through the SSPPS on unwanted behaviours in public places and online fill an important data gap. Although not necessarily criminal in nature, these behaviours can have a considerable negative impact on feelings of safety in the daily lives of Canadians. In 2018, one-third (32%) of women and one in eight (13%) men reported feeling uncomfortable or unsafe in public in the past 12 months. The most frequently reported type of unwanted behaviour experienced in public for women was unwanted sexual attention, such as comments, gestures, body language, whistles or calls with more than 3.8 million women experiencing this behaviour in public in the 12 months preceding the survey. For both men and women who experienced these behaviours, a male stranger was the most common perpetrator.

A number of factors increased the odds of being a victim of violent crime and they were also associated with the likelihood of experiencing unwanted sexual behaviour in public and online. These include, most notably, being younger, being single, having experienced harsh parenting, and having been physically or sexually abused in childhood. Moreover, gender was a key factor as well, with women remaining more likely to be sexually assaulted or to experience unwanted behaviour in public or online when other social or demographic factors were held constant.

Around 11 million Canadians (37% of the population aged 15 and older) have been physically or sexually assaulted since the age of 15, with just over one million (4%) having been victimized in the past 12 months. Experiences of violent victimization are typically gendered, insofar as women being far more likely to have been sexually assaulted, while physical assault is more prevalent among men. In addition, the perpetrators of the most serious incident were more likely to be men.

Victimization surveys are critical in providing insight into the nature and extent of violence in Canada since the majority of sexual and physical assaults do not come to the attention of the police. In 2018, most victims of physical or sexual assault said that the most serious incident was not brought to the attention of police. In particular, sexual assault was underreported, with just 5% of women stating that the most serious incident was reported to police, on par with findings from other research (Conroy and Cotter 2017).

Four in ten women who were sexually assaulted stated that the perpetrator was a stranger or someone they knew by sight only. Virtually all women who were sexually assaulted said that a man was the perpetrator. In 2018, one in five (20%) male and female victims of sexual assault experienced victim-blaming (i.e., they were made to feel responsible for their own victimization) by either the perpetrator or by their friends or family.

Moving forward, as the data continues to be explored, the SSPPS will provide important information on gender-based violence, inappropriate sexual behaviours, and attitudes towards violence and gender equality in Canadian society.

Detailed data tables

Table 1 Unwanted behaviour in public spaces and online in the past 12 months, by gender and type of behaviour, provinces, 2018

Table 2 Unwanted sexual behaviour in public spaces in the past 12 months, by gender and province, 2018

Table 3 Unwanted behaviours in public spaces and online in the past 12 months, by gender and selected characteristic of victim, provinces, 2018

Table 4 Most serious incident of unwanted sexual behaviour in a public space in the past 12 months, by gender and selected incident characteristic, provinces, 2018

Table 5 Most serious incident of unwanted behaviour online in the past 12 months, by gender and selected incident characteristic, provinces, 2018

Table 6 Violent victimization since age 15 and in the past 12 months, by type of victimization and gender of victim, provinces, 2018

Table 7 Violent victimization since age 15, by type of victimization, gender of victim, and province, 2018

Table 8 Violent victimization since age 15, by type of victimization, gender and selected sociodemographic characteristic of the victim, provinces, 2018

Table 9 Violent victimization since age 15, by type of victimization, gender and selected characteristic of the victim, provinces, 2018

Table 10 Violent victimization in the past 12 months, by type of victimization, gender of victim, and province, 2018

Table 11 Violent victimization in the past 12 months, by type of victimization, gender and selected characteristic of the victim, provinces, 2018

Table 12 Violent victimization in the past 12 months, by type of victimization, gender of victim, and selected incident characteristic, provinces, 2018

Model 1 Logistic regression: odds of experiencing unwanted behaviour in a public place, by selected characteristics, 2018

Model 2 Logistic regression: odds of experiencing unwanted behaviour online, by selected characteristics, 2018

Model 3 Logistic regression: odds of being a victim of sexual assault, by selected characteristics, 2018

Model 4 Logistic regression: odds of being a victim of physical assault, by selected characteristics, 2018

Survey description

In 2018, Statistics Canada conducted the first cycle of the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces (SSPPS). The purpose of the survey is to collect information on Canadians’ experiences in public, at work, online, and in their intimate partner relationships.

The target population for the SSPPS is the Canadian population aged 15 and over, living in the provinces and territories. Canadians residing in institutions are not included. Once a household was contacted, an individual 15 years or older was randomly selected to respond to the survey. Data from the territories were collected using a different sampling design and are not yet available.

In the provinces, data collection took place from April to December 2018 inclusively. Responses were obtained by self-administered online questionnaire or by interviewer-administered telephone questionnaire. Respondents were able to respond in the official language of their choice.

The sample size for the 10 provinces was 43,296 respondents. The overall response rate was 43.1%. Non-respondents included people who refused to participate, could not be reached, or could not speak English or French. Respondents in the sample were weighted so that their responses represent the non-institutionalized Canadian population aged 15 and older.

Methods for multivariate analysis

The influence of a factor is indicated by the odds ratio, which should be read in relation to the reference category. For this report, four regressions separately model the probability of having experienced unwanted behaviour in public, unwanted behaviour online, sexual assault, and physical assault in the past 12 months. An odds ratio greater than 1 indicates that the characteristic increases the odds for the variable of interest and an odds ratio lower than 1 indicates that the odds decreases. For example, the logistic regression analysis in Model 1 shows that, all things being equal, women have odds 3.8 times higher than men to experience unwanted behaviour in public.

All of the variables in tables 8 and 9 were considered in the initial analysis. Only variables that proved significant in the multivariate analysis were retained in the final models presented in this report.

Data limitations

As with any household survey, there are some data limitations. The results are based on a sample and are therefore subject to sampling errors. Somewhat different results might have been obtained if the entire population had been surveyed.

For the quality of estimates, the lower and upper bounds of the confidence intervals are presented. Confidence intervals should be interpreted as follows: If the survey were repeated many times, then 95% of the time (or 19 times out of 20), the confidence interval would cover the true population value.

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