Police-reported violence against girls and young women in Canada, 2017

Violence has the potential to have serious immediate and long-term consequences for victims. Affected areas of life may include physical and mental health, economic well-being and social relationships (Briere and Rickards 2007; Fergusson et al. 2008; McDougall and Vaillancourt 2015; Patel and Taylor 2012; Turner et al. 2010; Wathen 2012). This is particularly true for younger victims who are at various stages of development and, depending on the nature of the violence and the characteristics of the victim, these negative effects can extend long into adulthood (UNICEF 2014). Research has shown that certain types of violence, such as victimization by family members and sexual victimization, peak early in life (Cotter and Beaupré 2014; Ogrodnik 2010).

Many types of violence also have a gender component (Benoit et al. 2015). Violence against girls and women has been identified as a serious ongoing human rights issue and health epidemic that acts as a barrier to gender equality (United Nations 1993; World Health Organization 2013). Compared to men, women are disproportionately victims of crimes such as intimate partner violence, sexual assault and stalking (Burczycka and Conroy 2018; Conroy and Cotter 2017; Elliott et al. 2004; Perreault 2015; Sinha 2013a). Further, certain crimes—especially sexual assault—are less likely to be reported to the police due to increased levels of shame, guilt and stigma among victims (Conroy and Cotter 2017; Elliott et al. 2004; Johnson 2012; Sable et al. 2006).

Research has shown that violence against women is often unique in terms of the type of violence, the relationship of the accused to the victim, and where violence occurs (Sinha 2013b; Vaillancourt 2010). This combination of factors may make their victimization more likely to be hidden and difficult to detect. In Canada, certain women are more at-risk for violence than others, including young women, Aboriginal women,^Note  women with disabilities, women with poorer mental health, women who are gay or bisexual, and women who live in more remote areas (Cotter 2018; Hotton Mahony et al. 2017; Hutchins 2013; Perreault 2015; Simpson 2018).

This Juristat article was produced by the Canadian Centre for Justice Statistics at Statistics Canada with the support of Status of Women Canada. It examines police-reported violence against girls and young women aged 24 and younger in Canada. Trend analysis is also presented to indicate changes over time. Rates are provided at the national, provincial and territorial levels, as well as for urban, rural and census metropolitan areas.

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Rate of police-reported violent crime higher for victims who are girls and young women

In 2017, there were 350,457 victims of police-reported violent crime in Canada (968 per 100,000 population),^Note  and approximately half (53%) were female (Table 1).^Note  Among those aged 24 and younger, females represented a slightly higher proportion of victims (56%).

Overall, girls and young women aged 24 and younger experienced violence at a rate of 1,394 victims per 100,000 population, compared to a rate of 1,030 for their male counterparts. In contrast, rates of violence for women and men aged 25 and older were similar (878 versus 867). Violence against females peaked overall at age 15, with a rate of 2,684 victims per 100,000 population (Chart 1).^Note 

In terms of rates of violence against those aged 24 and younger, gaps between females and males varied by age group: older girls aged 12 to 17 had a rate that was 42% higher than older boys (2,181 versus 1,538), while young women aged 18 to 24 had a rate that was 38% higher than young men (2,295 versus 1,658). The rate of violence against younger girls aged 11 and younger was more comparable to the rate for younger boys, but it was still 12% higher (374 versus 333). These differences indicate that girls and young women are disproportionately victims of violent crime, and this pattern appears to continue until they reach age 45.

Smaller decline in rate of police-reported violence against girls and young women

Between 2009 and 2017, the overall rate of police-reported violence in Canada declined by 20%, with a smaller decrease noted for females than males (-16% versus -23%).^Note  This difference was largely attributed to violence involving victims aged 24 and younger as the decline in rate was much smaller for younger girls (-2%), older girls (-9%) and young women (-22%) than their male counterparts (-16%, -33% and -34%, respectively) (Table 2).^Note  Among those aged 25 and older, however, there was no notable difference in the decline in rate for women and men (-14% versus -16%).

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Sexual offences far more common among victims who are girls and young women

Among the most common types of police-reported violence committed against girls and young women, nearly all were physical assault offences (50%), sexual offences (29%) and other violent offences (21%).^Note  Offences related to homicide or death were rare (0.2%).^Note  In contrast, boys and young men were most often victims of physical assault offences (66%) and other violent offences (28%), while sexual offences were far less common (6%). Similar to girls and young women, physical assault offences were the most common type of offence committed against women aged 25 and older (65%); however, among women, other violent offences (27%) were more common than sexual offences (8%).

Rates highest for sexual offences against girls and physical assault offences against young women

Of all police-reported violence, rates for physical assault offences were similar for female and male victims aged 24 and younger (693 versus 676 per 100,000 population), and rates were also similar for other violent offences (291 versus 289) (Table 3). Meanwhile, however, victims who were girls and young women had an overall rate for sexual offences that was seven times higher than the rate for boys and young men (407 versus 58).

Regardless of age group, rates for sexual offences were higher for girls and young women than their male counterparts. Rates were three times higher for younger girls aged 11 and younger (181 versus 60 for younger boys), over nine times higher for older girls aged 12 to 17 (921 versus 98 for older boys) and nearly 14 times higher for young women and 18 to 24 (371 versus 27 for young men).

Among victims who were girls and young women, the type of offence with the highest rate shifted as they got older (Chart 2). For younger girls and older girls, sexual offences had the highest rate (181 and 921 per 100,000 population, respectively), followed by physical assault offences (141 and 817, respectively). The opposite emerged for young women: physical assault offences had a higher rate than sexual offences (1,392 versus 371).

For girls and young women, rates for physical assault offences peaked at age 20 (1,450), while sexual offences peaked at age 15 (1,243) and other violent offences peaked at age 18 (546).^Note 

In terms of specific offences, rates of violence against girls and young women were highest for level 1 physical assault (547 per 100,000 population) and level 1 sexual assault (259) (Table 3).^Note  These were followed by level 2 physical assault (129), sexual violations against children^Note  (119) and uttering threats (118). Some offences, while less common, still had notably higher rates for girls and young women than their male counterparts. These included commodification of sexual activity; criminal harassment; kidnapping, forcible confinement, abduction and hostage taking; and indecent or harassing communications.

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Rate for sexual offences against girls and young women increase while other types of offences decrease

While the overall rate of police-reported violence against girls and young women declined between 2009 and 2017, the same pattern did not emerge for sexual offences specifically (Chart 3).^Note  Over that time period, sexual offences against girls and young women increased by 31% while physical assault offences and other violent offences both decreased (-24% and -38%, respectively). In comparison, the rate for sexual offences for victims who were boys and young men increased by 7% between 2009 and 2017.^Note 

Excluding 2017—a year when there was a great deal of awareness of and discussion on the issue of sexual misconduct and sexual violence—the increase in police-reported sexual offences among girls and young women was still notable between 2009 and 2016 (+13%).

Violence against girls and young women most often perpetrated by a male accused

Overall, the large majority (81%) of those accused of police-reported violence against girls and young women were male, and this was similar for boys and young men (79%) (Table 4).^Note  Where the victim was a girl or young woman, male accused were most commonly aged 18 to 24, followed by 25 to 34. Regardless of the age group of the victim, males represented a large proportion of accused; however, some variation emerged. For instance, when victims were younger girls or younger boys aged 11 and younger, a male accused was equally common (both 78%). In contrast, the accused was male less often for older girls than older boys aged 12 to 17 (74% versus 88%), and more often for young women than young men aged 18 to 24 (86% versus 73%).

Overall, six in ten (59%) girls and young women were victimized by someone close in age (within five years), but this varied by age group.^Note  For instance, older girls and young women were most often victimized by someone within five years of their own age (63% and 61%, respectively), but this was far less common for younger girls (24%).^Note 

The proportion of girls and young women who were victimized by a male accused depended on the type of offence. For physical assault offences and other violent offences, three-quarters of accused were male (76% and 77%, respectively).^Note  Meanwhile, the accused was male for nearly all (98%) sexual offences. Among girls and young women, there was some variation depending on the age group of the victim (Chart 4); however, males consistently represented a larger proportion of accused.

Girls and young women commonly victimized by someone close to them

The most common police-reported accused-victim relationship varied greatly depending on the sex of the victim. Girls and young women were far more commonly victimized by someone close to them. Around six in ten (57%) girls and young women were victimized by a family member, a non-spousal intimate partner or a friend, compared to three in ten (31%) of their male counterparts (Table 5).^Note  In contrast, boys and young men were far more often victims of a casual acquaintance or a stranger than girls and young women (62% versus 37%).

Separating victims by age group, differences emerged once again. Most commonly, younger girls aged 11 and younger were victimized by a family member—usually a parent—and young women aged 18 to 24 were victimized by a non-spousal intimate partner (60% and 35%, respectively). Meanwhile, it was most common for older girls aged 12 to 17 to be victimized by a casual acquaintance (34%).

For younger girls and older girls, the most common accused-victim relationship remained consistent regardless of the type of offence (Chart 5). Young women, however, were most often victimized by a casual acquaintance when it came to sexual offences, and a non-spousal intimate partner for physical assault offences and other violent offences.

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Majority of girls and young women victimized on private property

Overall, the majority (62%) of police-reported violence against girls and young women occurred on private property, and this was less common for boys and young men (40%) (Table 6). Younger girls were most often victimized on private property (75%), followed by young women (65%) and older girls (54%). Inversely, boys and young men were more commonly victimized at an outside location (31%) than girls and young women (17%).

Of all girls and young women that were victimized on private property, one in three (34%) experienced violence in a home jointly occupied by the victim and the accused—likely reflected by victims of family violence—and this was even more common among women aged 25 and older (43%).^Note  Meanwhile, an additional three in ten (31%) girls and young women were victimized in their own home (not occupied by the accused).

Regardless of the type of offence, girls and young women were still most often victimized on private property (Chart 6). This was most common for victims of sexual offences (66%), followed by physical assault offences (62%) and other violent offences (56%).

Girls and young women most commonly victimized in the afternoon and the evening

The most common time periods for police-reported violence against girls and young women were the afternoon (32%) and the evening (31%), while the night (19%) and the morning (18%) were less common (Table 6). There was no notable difference in the day of the week they experienced violence: the most common days were Sunday and Saturday (both 15%) and the least common was Monday (13%).^Note 

Comparing the different age groups, there was a similar pattern in terms of the day and the time girls and young women were victimized (Chart 7). Violence against older girls exceeded that against young women during the morning and the afternoon on weekdays. In contrast, violence against young women peaked in the evening and at night on Friday, Saturday and Sunday.

Presence of a weapon not common for violence against girls and young women

Among victims of police-reported violence, girls and young women were involved in incidents where a weapon was present less often than boys and young men (14% versus 31%) (Table 6). Inversely, it was more common for girls and young women to be victims in incidents that involved physical force than their male counterparts (70% versus 57%).

Approximately four in ten (37%) girls and young women sustained a physical injury—nearly all minor in nature—from the violent incident they experienced. Injury was more common for boys and young men (45%) and women aged 25 and older (42%). Young women aged 18 to 24 were more often injured (45%) than older girls aged 12 to 17 (28%) and younger girls aged 11 and younger (26%).

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Victims who are girls and young women have a delay in reporting to the police more often

Delays in reporting—meaning that the incident was not reported to the police the same day it occurred—can happen for a variety of reasons. This applies not only to victims but also witnesses and, for the youngest victims, intervening adults. Reasons for a delay in reporting may include a sense of fear or shame, a belief that there is a lack of evidence, a view that the incident was a private or personal matter, a lack of confidence in the police or the criminal justice system, and a desire to avoid getting the offender in trouble. Young victims are also unique in that they may be unaware that they are being victimized, may not know how to seek help, may be unable to report their victimization or may be dependent on the perpetrator.

Of all girls and young women who were victims of violence, just under three-quarters (72%) had no delay in reporting.^Note  A delay in reporting was more common among girls and young women (28%) than boys and young men (19%) and women aged 25 and older (16%). In terms of the accused-victim relationship, a delay in reporting was somewhat more common for girls and young women where the accused was a family member (33%) than a non-family member (27%).

A delay in reporting varied by the age group of the victim and the type of offence. Younger girls aged 11 and younger most often had a delay in reporting (48%), followed by older girls aged 12 to 17 (37%) and young women aged 18 to 24 (18%). Among girls and young women overall, a delay in reporting was most common for sexual offences (54%), followed by other violent offences (22%) and physical assault offences (16%).^Note  For sexual offences, girls and young women had a delay in reporting more often than women aged 25 and older (54% versus 41%); however, boys and young men most often had a delay for this type of offence (60%).

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More common for victims who are girls and young women to have violent incidents cleared by charge

While girls and young women had a delay in reporting to the police more often, they still had the incidents in which they were victimized cleared by the laying or recommendation of a charge against the accused more often than boys and young men (49% versus 38%) (Table 6).^Note  For another 21% of girls and young women who were victims, incidents were cleared otherwise, while 30% were involved in incidents that were not cleared.

Separating victims by age group, young women most often had the incidents in which they were victimized cleared by charge (57%). The proportions of younger girls and older girls who were victims that had the incident cleared by charge were similar (40% and 41%, respectively).

For each type of offence, victims who were girls and young women had the incident cleared by charge more often than boys and young men (Chart 8). The largest gap was for physical assault offences: 57% of girls and young women who were victims had the incident cleared by charge compared to 39% of their male counterparts. Among girls and young women, nearly half (44%) of those who were victims of sexual offences had the incident remain not cleared, far more common than those who were victims of physical assault offences (21%) and other violence offences (31%). This may be attributed to the nature of sexual offences and the unique investigative challenges of such crimes (Rotenberg 2017).

Among girls and young women who were victims, differences also emerged depending on the type of offence (Chart 9). Sexual offences were most often cleared by charge when the victim was a younger girl or older girl (42% and 41%, respectively). Meanwhile, physical assault offences were most often cleared by charge when the victim was a young woman (64%). Regardless of age group, a larger proportion of sexual offences remained not cleared compared to physical assault offences and other violent offences.

Lower rate of homicide for victims who are girls and young women

Between 2007 and 2017,^Note  three in ten (29%) victims of homicide were aged 24 and younger (Table 7). On average, homicide rates for girls and young women during the same time period were three times lower than boys and young men (0.83 versus 2.49 per 100,000 population). Among females, the homicide rate for those aged 24 and younger was, on average, lower than the rate for those aged 25 and older (0.83 versus 0.95).

Aboriginal girls and young women over-represented among victims of homicide

Aboriginal people—those who identify as First Nations, Métis or Inuit—represent 5% of the Canadian population, and they are generally younger than the non-Aboriginal population (Statistics Canada 2017b). More specifically, 7% of the female population aged 24 and younger is Aboriginal (Statistics Canada 2017a).

Between 2007 and 2017, Aboriginal girls and young women were over-represented among victims of homicide. Of the 454 girls and young women who were victims of homicide during that time period, information on Aboriginal identity was recorded for 450 of them and, of these, 34% were Aboriginal and 66% were non-Aboriginal.^Note  More specifically, 75 (17%) girls and young women who were victims of homicide were First Nations, 12 (3%) were Métis and 9 (2%) were Inuit. The remaining 57 (13%) Aboriginal girls and young women were recorded as Aboriginal but it was not known to which identity group they belonged.^Note 

Girls and young women killed by someone close to them far more often

Between 2007 and 2017, girls and young women who were victims of homicide were most often killed by a male accused (78%) (Table 8). In contrast, a male accused was much more common for boys and young men and women aged 25 and older who were victims of homicide (both 92%). The proportion of female accused was nearly three times higher when victims were girls and young women than their male counterparts (22% versus 8%), and the proportion of female accused was highest for victims who were younger girls (44%).

Similar to other types of police-reported violence, girls and young women were killed by someone close to them far more often than boys and young men. A family member (52%) or a non-spousal intimate partner (16%) was most often accused of homicide involving girls and young women, much less common for homicide involving their male counterparts (21% and 1%, respectively) (Table 9). Meanwhile, boys and young men were more commonly killed by a casual acquaintance (29%) or a stranger (23%) compared to girls and young women (14% and 8%, respectively).

Clear differences emerged by age group. Three in four (75%) younger girls aged 11 and younger were killed by a parent. Among older girls aged 12 to 17, one in four (24%) was killed by a parent, closely followed by a casual acquaintance (22%) and a non-spousal intimate partner (19%). In contrast, young women aged 18 to 24 were most commonly killed by a spouse (25%) or a non-spousal intimate partner (24%).^Note 

Half of girls and young women killed by someone with a prior conviction

Half (48%) of girls and young women who were victims of homicide were killed by someone who had a previous conviction in Canada, most often another violent offence such as sexual assault or physical assault (Table 10). This was largely driven by those who killed a young woman as six in ten (58%) had a prior conviction. This was, however, even more common among those who killed a young man (65%).

Girls and young women were most often killed by someone under the influence of an intoxicating substance (63%); however, this was more common among boys and young men (70%). Of those under the influence of an intoxicating substance who were accused of killing a girl or young woman, alcohol only was most common, followed by alcohol and drugs, and drugs only.

Of all homicide between 2007 and 2017, girls and young women were most often stabbed (26%), beaten (22%) or strangled, suffocated or drowned (22%) (Table 11). A smaller proportion of girls and young women were shot (17%) compared to boys and young men (42%) and women aged 25 and older (22%).

Proportionally, among victims of homicide, certain motives were much more common for girls and young women than boys and young men. While jealousy was about three times more common (11% versus 4%) and frustration, anger or despair was about twice as common (33% versus 15%), sexual violence as the primary motive for homicide was approximately 50 times more common overall for homicide where the victim was a girl or young woman than a boy or young man (9% versus 0.2%). Sexual violence was most often the primary motive for homicide where the victim was an older girl (21%), while no older boy was killed primarily for this reason between 2007 and 2017.^Note 

Frustration, anger or despair was the most common primary motive for homicide involving girls and young women (33%); however, differences emerged by age group. Among victims who were younger girls aged 11 and younger, frustration, anger or despair was by far the most common motive for homicide (64%), while among older girls aged 12 to 17, frustration, anger or despair (27%) was closely followed by sexual violence (21%) and an argument or quarrel (19%). For young women aged 18 to 24 who were victims, an argument or quarrel (38%) was the most common type of motive, followed by frustration, anger or despair (18%) and jealousy (14%).

Violence against girls and young women highest in the territories, Saskatchewan and Manitoba

In 2017, the rate of violence against girls and young women was higher than for boys and young men in every province and territory (Table 12). Similar to crime in general (Allen 2018), rates of violence were highest for girls and young women in the territories: the Northwest Territories had the highest rate (8,909 per 100,000 population), followed by Nunavut (7,491) and Yukon (4,356). Among the provinces, rates were highest in Saskatchewan (2,769) and Manitoba (2,635), and lowest in Ontario (1,093) and British Columbia (1,117).

Among girls and young women, rates were higher in the territories than the provinces for every age group, regardless of the type of offence (Chart 10). Higher rates of violence in the territories was largely driven by physical assault offences: most notably, the rate for physical assault offences was more than seven times higher for older girls and more than nine times higher for young women in the territories (5,765 and 12,405, respectively) than it was in the provinces (797 and 1,351, respectively).

Higher rates of violence in the territories are likely affected by many social and economic factors that are unique within Canada, and these likely have an impact on the nature of victimization itself. For instance, in the northern region, the population is younger, people live in more remote communities and there are higher rates of unemployment. These characteristics have been associated with a higher risk for victimization (Allen and Perreault 2015; Perreault and Simpson 2016).

Rates of violence against girls and young women higher in rural areas

In 2017, the rate of police-reported violence was 1.8 times higher for girls and young women in rural areas than it was in urban areas (2,212 versus 1,236 per 100,000 population) (Table 12).^Note  When the territories were excluded, this difference remained for the provinces: violence against girls and young women was still 1.7 times higher in rural areas than urban areas (2,091 versus 1,231) (Chart 11). For victims in both urban and rural areas in the provinces, rates of violence were higher for girls and young women than boys and young men.

The rate of violence for girls and young women remained higher in rural areas than in urban areas across the provinces. The largest differences were noted in Saskatchewan (2.1 times higher in rural areas), Manitoba (1.8 times higher) and Newfoundland and Labrador (1.6 times higher). This pattern was similar for their male counterparts, with the exceptions of Nova Scotia and British Columbia (Table 12). The urban-rural difference for boys and young men, however, was often much smaller than it was for girls and young women.

Among girls and young women in the provinces, rates were higher for each type of offence in rural areas than urban areas; however, the urban-rural difference varied by age group and type of offence (Chart 12). Among younger girls aged 11 and younger, the rate for both sexual offences and physical assault offences was 2.0 times higher in rural areas. Meanwhile, the rate for physical assault offences in rural areas was 1.9 times higher for older girls aged 12 to 17 and 2.4 times higher for young women aged 18 to 24.

Violence against girls and young women higher in every census metropolitan area

The rate of police-reported violent crime was lower in larger cities—referred to as census metropolitan areas^Note  (CMAs)—for girls and young women than in non-CMAs (1,123 versus 2,064 per 100,000 population) (Table 13). This pattern was consistent for boys and young men, although the difference was smaller (914 versus 1,316).

Of the CMAs, rates of violence against girls and young women were highest in Thunder Bay (2,244), Moncton (1,796) and Winnipeg (1,785) and lowest in Barrie (854) and Vancouver (877). Overall rates of violence against girls and young women were higher than those for boy and young men and women aged 25 and older in all CMAs.

Decrease in violence against girls and young women noted in nearly every province and territory

Every province and territory recorded a decline in the rate of police-reported violence against girls and young women between 2009 and 2017, with the exception of Quebec (Table 14).^Note  In general, among those aged 24 and younger, decreases were smaller for female victims than their male counterparts. This was likely a reflection of the increase in sexual offences—a type of offence for which girls and young women had higher rates of victimization—during the same time period. The largest differences between girls and young women and boys and young men were in Quebec (+1% versus -24%) and Yukon (-10% versus -35%).

Between 2009 and 2017, in nearly every province and territory, the overall rate violence had a larger decline for girls and young women than women aged 25 and older. The exceptions were Quebec, where the percent change in rate was similar (+1% versus -0.2%), and Nova Scotia, where the decrease was smaller for girls and young women who were victims than their older counterparts (-20% versus -27%).

Summary

Findings from the Incident-based Uniform Crime Reporting Survey show that girls and young women aged 24 and younger are at particularly high risk of violence in Canada. In 2017, the rate of police-reported violent crime was higher for victims who were girls and young women than boys and young men and women aged 25 and older. Further, while the rate of police-reported violence has declined overall since 2009, the decrease was smaller for victims who were girls and young women than their male counterparts.

Rates for sexual offences were much higher for girls and young women than boys and young men, and research indicates that much of this violence goes unreported to the police. Among girls and young women, the rate of police-reported sexual offences increased since 2009, while the rates for physical assault offences and other violent offences declined.

An understanding of violence against girls and young women can help develop strategies that can protect them in more precise and targeted ways. For instance, in 2017, sexual offences had the highest rate among victims who were younger girls aged 11 and younger and older girls aged 12 to 17; however, those accused of violence were most often a family member for younger girls and a casual acquaintance for older girls. In contrast, the highest rate among victims who were young women aged 18 to 24 was for physical assault offences and those accused of violence were most often a non-spousal intimate partner. Regardless of the type of offence, violence against girls and young women was most often perpetrated by a male accused, and it most commonly occurred on private property.

Among victims, girls and young women had a delay in reporting the violent incident they experienced to the police, more often than boys and young men. Despite this, it was more common for victims who were girls and young women to have the incident cleared by charge than their male counterparts, regardless of the type of offence.

Detailed data tables

Table 1 Victims of police-reported violent crime, by victim age and sex, Canada, 2017

Table 2 Victims of police-reported violent crime, by victim age group and sex, and year, Canada, 2009 to 2017

Table 3 Victims of police-reported violent crime, by victim age group and sex, and type of offence, Canada, 2017

Table 4 Victims of police-reported violent crime, by victim age group and sex, and age group and sex of accused, Canada, 2017

Table 5 Victims of police-reported violent crime, by victim age group and sex, and relationship of accused to victim, Canada, 2017

Table 6 Victims of police-reported violent crime, by victim age group and sex, and incident characteristic, Canada, 2017

Table 7 Victims of homicide, by victim age group and sex, and year, Canada, 2007 to 2017

Table 8 Victims of homicide, by victim age group and sex, and age group and sex of accused, Canada, 2007 to 2017

Table 9 Victims of homicide, by victim age group and sex, and relationship of accused to victim, Canada, 2007 to 2017

Table 10 Victims of homicide, by victim age group and sex, and accused characteristic, Canada, 2007 to 2017

Table 11 Victims of homicide, by victim age group and sex, and incident characteristic, Canada, 2007 to 2017

Table 12 Victims of police-reported violent crime, by victim age group and sex, province or territory and urban or rural area, Canada, 2017

Table 13 Victims of police-reported violent crime, by victim age group and sex, and census metropolitan area, Canada, 2017

Table 14 Victims of police-reported violent crime, by victim age group and sex, and province or territory, Canada, 2009 and 2017

Survey description

Incident-based Uniform Crime Reporting Survey

The Incident-based Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) Survey collects detailed information on criminal incidents that have come to the attention of, and have been substantiated by, police services in Canada. Information includes characteristics of victims, accused persons and incidents. In 2017, data from police services covered 99% of the population of Canada. The count for a particular year represents incidents reported during that year, regardless of when the incident actually occurred.

One incident can involve multiple offences. In order to ensure comparability, counts are presented based on the most serious offence in the incident as determined by a standard classification rule used by all police services. Counts based on all violations are available upon request.

Victim age is calculated based on the end date of an incident, as reported by the police. Some victims experience violence over a period of time, sometimes years, all of which may be considered by the police to be part of one continuous incident. Information about the number and dates of individual incidents for these victims of continuous violence is not available. Counts represent the number of victims involved in incidents of violence. It is possible that individual victims may have experienced more than one incident, and would therefore be counted more than once here.

Homicide Survey

The Homicide Survey collects detailed information on all homicide that has come to the attention of, and has been substantiated by, police services in Canada. Information includes characteristics of victims, accused persons and incidents. Since 1961 when recording began, coverage for the Homicide Survey has represented 100% of homicide in Canada. The count for a particular year represents homicide reported during that year, regardless of when the homicide actually occurred.

General Social Survey on Canadians' Safety (Victimization)

The General Social Survey (GSS) on Canadians' Safety (Victimization) surveys Canadians aged 15 and older on their personal experiences with victimization, examines the risk factors associated with victimization, examines rates of reporting to the police, assesses the nature and extent of spousal violence, measures fear of crime, and examines public perceptions of crime and the criminal justice system.

This article uses data from the 2014 GSS on Victimization, the sixth cycle conducted by Statistics Canada. Previous cycles were conducted in the Canadian provinces in 1988, 1993, 1999, 2004 and 2009. The 2014 survey on victimization was also conducted in Yukon, the Northwest Territories and Nunavut using a different sampling design. The GSS on Victimization had also been conducted in the territories in 2009 and was preceded by test collections in 1999 and 2004.

In 2014, the provincial sample size was 33,127 respondents. Of that number, 2,787 were from the oversample. The territorial sample size was 2,040 respondents. In 2004, the sample included 23,766 respondents from the provinces only.

Data collection

Data collection differed between the provinces and territories. In the provinces, data collection took place from January to December 2014, inclusively. Responses were obtained by computer-assisted telephone interviews (CATI). Respondents were able to respond in the official language of their choice.

In the territories, data collection took place from August 2014 to January 2015, inclusively. The method of collection was a mixture of CATI and personal interviews (CAPI). Most cases started as CATI at the regional office and could be transferred to a CAPI interviewer depending on the community and collection constraints. Respondents were interviewed in the official language of their choice.

Response rates

In the provinces, the overall response rates were 53% in 2014 and 75% in 2004. Non-respondents included people who refused to participate, could not be reached, or could not speak English or French. Respondents in the sample were weighted so that their responses represent the non-institutionalized population aged 15 and older in the provinces.

In the territories, the overall response rate was 59% in 2014. Non-respondents included people who refused to participate, could not be reached, or could not speak English or French. Respondents in the sample were weighted so that their responses represent the non-institutionalized population aged 15 and older in the territories. In 2004, data were collected in the territories on a pilot basis only and are not available for analysis.

Data limitations

As with any household survey, there are some data limitations. The results are based on a sample and are therefore subject to sampling errors. Somewhat different results might have been obtained if the entire population had been surveyed. This article uses the coefficient of variation (CV) as a measure of the sampling error. Estimates with a high CV (over 33.3%) were not published because they were too unreliable. In these cases, the symbol "F" is used in place of an estimate in the figures and data tables. Estimates with a CV between 16.6 and 33.3 should be used with caution and the symbol "E" is used. Where descriptive statistics and cross-tabular analysis were used, statistically significant differences were determined using 95% confidence intervals.

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