Indigenous Peoples Thematic Series
Socioeconomic and health outcomes among Indigenous people aged 15 years and older who were under the legal responsibility of the government as children
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This paper examines adverse outcomes among Indigenous people aged 15 and older who experienced government care as children. Due to the sensitive nature of this subject matter, some readers may find the content distressing. For support, a list of mental wellness resources is provided below:
- Hope for Wellness
Help Line: 1-855-242-3310
Chat online www.hopeforwellness.ca - Kamatsiaqtut Help Line
Toll Free 1-800-265-3333 In Iqaluit 1-867-979-3333 - Kids Help Phone
Toll Free 1-800-668-6868 Text 686868 (no data plan, internet connection, or app required)
Chat online www.kidshelpphone.ca - Indian Residential Schools Crisis Line: 1-866-925-4419
Additional resources: Suicide prevention
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Acknowledgements
This study was a collaboration with the Congress of Aboriginal Peoples (CAP), carried out as part of the Transformational Approach to Indigenous Data (TAID) with the goal of building Indigenous data capacity and improving the visibility of Indigenous People in Canada’s National Statistics.
Introduction
First Nations people, Métis, and Inuit across Canada continue to experience socioeconomic and health disparities, deeply rooted in systemic inequities and the enduring legacy of colonial policies and interventions (De Leeuw et al., 2010; Mitchell, 2019; Smith et al., 2021; Wilk et al., 2017; Allan & Smylie, 2015). The Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (2015) described the establishment and operation of the residential school system as a “cultural genocide”, highlighting the significant impact that childhoods disrupted by government intervention have had on Indigenous children and families. This was followed by the “Sixties Scoop”, a child welfare policy that removed Indigenous children from their homes and placed them predominantly with non-Indigenous families, leading to significant cultural and familial disconnection (Fallon et al., 2021).
Extensive family separation among Indigenous children persists, even after the closure of the residential schools and the end of the Sixties Scoop, with a significant and ongoing overrepresentation of Indigenous children in the child welfare system (Blackstock, 2007; McKenzie et al., 2016; Sinclair, 2007). According to the 2021 Census, 54% of foster children under the age of 15 were Indigenous, despite Indigenous children accounting for only 8% of the overall child population in Canada (Hahmann et al., 2024). Similarly, the overrepresentation of Indigenous youth has also been reported in the Canadian youth corrections system. In 2016-2017, Indigenous youth comprised 46% of youth correctional system admissions, and this rate continued to increase to 50% in 2020-2021 (Wiley et al., 2020; Statistics Canada, 2022).
The long-lasting and intergenerational adverse effects of residential schools on the physical and mental health of Indigenous populations are well-documented (Kaspar, 2014; Elias et al., 2012; Hackett et al., 2016; Bombay et al., 2014). Moreover, emerging evidence indicates that Indigenous children with a familial history of residential schools face higher odds of involvement in the child welfare system due to increased distress and depressive symptoms stemming from the trauma of parent-child separations and the loss of cultural identity and community connections (Barker et al., 2019; McQuaid et al., 2022). These separations and losses are associated not only with adverse health outcomes but also with diminished educational and socioeconomic prospects. Indigenous children in the child welfare system have notably lower high school graduation rates compared to both non-Indigenous children and Indigenous children not involved in the system (Brownell et al., 2015). Additionally, involvement in the child welfare system has been identified as a strong predictor of homelessness particularly among Indigenous people (Alberton et al., 2020; Anderson & Collins, 2014).
Existing studies on Indigenous adults with a history in the youth justice system present consistent findings: the legacy of colonialism has contributed to the marginalization of Indigenous people, increasing their likelihood of early involvement in the youth justice system (Hansen, 2014; Sittner et al., 2016; Cunneen et al., 2019); this, in turn, has significant adverse impacts on their health and socioeconomic outcomes in adulthood (Sittner et al., 2023).
Building upon these lines of research, this study uses the 2018 Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces (SSPSS) to examine the associations between childhood experiences of being under government care and various socioeconomic and health indicators in adulthood including health status, economic wellbeing, and experiences of homelessness among the Indigenous population (see the Data sources, methods and definitions section).
In the survey, respondents aged 15 and older were asked “As a child, were you ever under the legal responsibility of the government?”. Examples given are: foster care, group home under child protection or child welfare services, orphanage, residential school for Indigenous children, under the custody of a youth justice facility or group home. The 2018 SSPSS did not ask respondents to specify the situation or the duration of care. As a result, it is not possible to differentiate between the types of experiences or to account for the circumstances at the time (for example, socioeconomic conditions, health status, or family circumstances). It is important to note that while the analysis explores the association between childhood experience of government care and adverse outcomes, it cannot establish a causal relationship between the two (see the Limitations section for details).
Results are presented for the total Indigenous population aged 15 and older who had been under the legal responsibility of the government as a child, and by Indigenous identity, whenever possible.Note In addition, comparisons are made with Indigenous people who had not been under the care of the government as a child, as well as non-Indigenous people who had been under government care.
More than one in ten Indigenous adults report having been under the legal responsibility of the government as a child
In 2018, 11% of Indigenous people aged 15 and older reported having been under the legal responsibility of the government as a child, which was significantly higher than non-Indigenous people (2%). The proportions were 16% among First Nations people, 9% for Inuit and 6% for Métis. There were no differences by gender and notably little variation across age groups (Chart 1). This lack of variation across age groups suggests that, despite the closure of residential schools, the difference in the percentage of Indigenous and non-Indigenous children under government care has persisted over time.
Data table for Chart 1
| Age group | Indigenous people | Non-Indigenous people | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Percent | 95% confidence interval | Percent | 95% confidence interval | |||
| lower | upper | lower | upper | |||
| Note: Error bars represent 95% confidence intervals.
Source: Statistics Canada, Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces, 2018. |
||||||
| Total | 10.5 | 8.5 | 12.8 | 2.2 | 2.0 | 2.5 |
| 15-24 | 11.0 | 6.3 | 18.5 | 1.3 | 1.2 | 3.3 |
| 25-54 | 9.6 | 7.1 | 12.9 | 2.5 | 2.1 | 2.9 |
| 55+ | 11.7 | 8.4 | 15.9 | 2.2 | 1.7 | 2.3 |
The proportion reporting excellent or very good mental health is lower among First Nations people who had been under the legal responsibility of the government
Among First Nations people aged 15 and older, the proportion who reported excellent or very good mental health was lower for those who had been under the legal responsibility of the government as a child (30%) compared to 48% for those who had never been under government care. Similar proportions were observed for Inuit adults and among the Indigenous population overall, however, the differences were not statistically significant.
In addition, a higher proportion of Indigenous people aged 15 and older who had been under the legal responsibility of the government as a child had a mental health-related disability (38%) compared to those who had not been (19%). For the purposes of this paper, a person is classified as having a mental health-related disability if an emotional, psychological, or mental health condition frequently limits their daily activities or causes significant difficulty in carrying them out (see the Definitions section for additional information). It is important to note that the data do not specify if the mental health-related disability existed during childhood or had a later onset.
Disability rates are higher among Indigenous people who had been under the legal responsibility of the government
A strong association was found between having been under the legal responsibility of the government as a child and having a disability as an adult. In this study, a disability is defined as having one or more of the following types of disability: seeing, hearing, mobility, flexibility, dexterity, pain-related, learning, developmental, memory, mental-health related, or unknown.Note
Specifically, the results show that two-thirds (66%) of Indigenous people 15 years and older who had been under the legal responsibility of the government as children had a disability, significantly higher than the proportion among Indigenous people who had not been under government care during childhood (46%). The same pattern was seen among the non-Indigenous population, with 50% of those who had been under government care during childhood having a disability compared with 35% of those who had not been under government care.
In addition to the higher percentages of individuals with a disability among those who had been under the legal responsibility of the government as a child, there was also a higher prevalence of severe disabilities.Note Almost a third (32%) of Indigenous people with a disability who had been under the legal responsibility of the government as a child had a very severe disability, a higher proportion compared with Indigenous people with a disability who had not been under government care during childhood (10%) (Chart 2).
While the percentage of individuals with a very severe disability was higher among those who had been under government care during childhood compared to those who had not been, this disparity was more pronounced for Indigenous people. Specifically, among those with a disability who had been under government care as children, the percentage of individuals with a very severe disability was significantly higher for Indigenous people with a disability (32%) when compared to their non-Indigenous counterparts (13%).
As noted above, it is not possible with the current data to determine if the disability existed during childhood or had a later onset. As a result, the association observed between childhood government care and the prevalence or severity of disability in this study does not establish a causal relationship, either of being in government care or as an outcome of being in government care (see the Limitations section for more details).
Data table for Chart 2
| Indigenous people | Very severe | Severe | Moderate | Mild |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Source: Statistics Canada, Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces, 2018. | ||||
| Yes, was under the legal responsibility of the government as a child |
32.2 | 8.5 | 30.4 | 28.9 |
| No, was not under the legal responsibility of the government as a child |
10.1 | 13.4 | 23.1 | 53.5 |
| Non-Indigenous people | ||||
| Yes, was under the legal responsibility of the government as a child | 13.2 | 22.1 | 22.7 | 41.9 |
| No, was not under the legal responsibility of the government responsibility as a child | 7.1 | 11.3 | 17.2 | 64.4 |
Indigenous people who had been under the legal responsibility of the government as a child report lower levels of self-rated health
Data from the 2018 SSPPS show that having been under the legal responsibility of the government as a child is associated with self-rated general health. Specifically, among Indigenous people who had been under government care as children, 24% reported excellent or very good health compared with 46% among those who had not been under government care. The results are similar for First Nations and Inuit adults. For example, 26% of First Nations adults who had been under the legal responsibility of the government as a child reported excellent or very good health compared with 48% of First Nations adults who had not been under government care as a child. Among Inuit adults, 25% who had been under government care reported excellent or very good health versus 65% among those who had not been in care as a child.
While Indigenous and non-Indigenous people who had experienced government care during childhood were generally less likely to report their health as excellent or very good compared to those who had not, this disparity is more pronounced among Indigenous people. The percentage difference reporting excellent or very good health among Indigenous people with and without such experience was 22 percentage points (24% and 46%, respectively) while among non-Indigenous counterparts it was 13 percentage points (46% compared to 59%). Existing research has shown that Indigenous people have experienced long-standing health disparities compared to the non-Indigenous population (Loppie & Wien, 2022); however, the results in this paper show that Indigenous people with a history of being under the government may be among the most disadvantaged.
Data table for Chart 3
| Indigenous identity | Yes, was under the legal responsibility of the government as a child | No, was not under the legal responsibility of the government as a child | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Percent | 95% confidence interval | Percent | 95% confidence interval | |||
| lower | upper | lower | upper | |||
| Note: Error bars represent 95% confidence intervals. Métis were included in the total "Indigenous people" above; however their numbers were too small to report separately.
Source: Statistics Canada, Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces, 2018. |
||||||
| First Nations people | 25.8 | 16.3 | 38.4 | 48.3 | 42.0 | 54.7 |
| Inuit | 24.7 | 16.2 | 35.8 | 35.3 | 25.6 | 46.5 |
| Indigenous people | 23.5 | 15.9 | 33.4 | 45.6 | 41.7 | 49.6 |
| Non-Indigenous people | 45.9 | 40.2 | 51.8 | 58.9 | 58.2 | 59.7 |
Experiencing homelessness is more prevalent among those who were under legal responsibility of the government as a child
Indigenous people are significantly overrepresented among the visible and hidden homeless population in Canada (Rodrigue, 2016; Uppal, 2022). Historical trauma stemming from the legacy of residential schools and involvement in child welfare system have been identified as significant risk factors contributing to Indigenous peoples’ experiences of homelessness (Alberton et al., 2020; Anderson & Collins, 2014).
Consistent with patterns observed in existing research, the percentage of Indigenous people aged 15 and older who reported ever experiencing homelessness,Note as shown in Chart 4, was significantly higher for those who had been under the legal responsibility of the government as a child (26%), compared to Indigenous people who had not been (7%). While a similar disparity was observed among non-Indigenous people, the percentage of non-Indigenous people reporting ever experiencing homelessness was lower for both those who had been under government care (16%) and those who had not (2%), compared to their Indigenous counterparts.
Among First Nations people who had been under government care as a child, 19% reported ever experiencing homelessness compared with 9% among those who had not experienced being under the legal responsibility of the government. In addition, the results were similar for Inuit, with 18% of Inuit who had been under government care as a child reported ever being homeless compared with 6% of Inuit who had not been in government care, although this difference among Inuit was not statistically significant.
A similar pattern was observed in the case of hidden homelessness as with visible homelessness above. As shown in Chart 5, experiencing hidden homelessnessNote was also more prevalent among Indigenous people with a history of having been under government care as children (53%) compared to Indigenous people without such a history (22%). The same is true for First Nations people: those with a history of government care during childhood were twice as likely to have experienced hidden homelessness compared to those without such a history (51% versus 25%, respectively).
The proportion of non-Indigenous people reporting experiences of hidden homelessness was substantially higher among those with a history of government care in childhood (34%), compared to those without (9%). Nonetheless, these proportions were still significantly lower than those observed among their Indigenous counterparts.
Data table for Chart 4
| Indigenous identity | Yes, was under the legal responsibility of the government as a child | No, was not under the legal responsibility of the government as a child | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Percent | 95% confidence interval | Percent | 95% confidence interval | |||
| lower | upper | lower | upper | |||
| Note: Error bars represent 95% confidence intervals. Métis were included in the total "Indigenous people" above; however their numbers were too small to report separately.
Source: Statistics Canada, Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces, 2018. |
||||||
| First Nations people | 19.0 | 11.6 | 29.6 | 9.3 | 6.3 | 13.7 |
| Inuit | 17.5 | 10.7 | 27.2 | 6.3 | 3.1 | 12.7 |
| Indigenous people | 26.2 | 18.6 | 35.7 | 6.5 | 4.8 | 8.6 |
| Non-Indigenous people | 16.4 | 12.5 | 21.3 | 1.6 | 1.4 | 1.8 |
Data table for Chart 5
| Indigenous identity | Yes, was under the legal responsibility of the government as a child | No, was not under the legal responsibility of the government as a child | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Percent | 95% confidence interval | Percent | 95% confidence interval | |||
| lower | upper | lower | upper | |||
| Note: Error bars represent 95% confidence intervals. Métis were included in the total "Indigenous people" above; however their numbers were too small to report separately.
Source: Statistics Canada, Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces, 2018. |
||||||
| First Nations people | 51.0 | 38.3 | 63.6 | 24.7 | 19.8 | 30.3 |
| Inuit | 35.3 | 21.7 | 51.8 | 19.5 | 12.4 | 29.2 |
| Indigenous people | 52.7 | 42.5 | 62.8 | 22.3 | 19.0 | 25.9 |
| Non-Indigenous people | 34.4 | 29.1 | 40.1 | 9.0 | 8.6 | 9.4 |
Six in ten Indigenous people who were under the legal responsibility of the government as a child find it difficult to meet their household needs
When asked about their ability to meet households needs, 60% of Indigenous people aged 15 and older who reported having been under the legal responsibility of the government as a child answered that they had great difficulty or difficulty, versus 38% for those Indigenous people who had not been under the legal responsibility of the government. The inability to meet household needs was also higher for First Nations adults who had been under government care as a child (60%) compared to First Nations people who had not been under government care (38%).
Conclusion
Colonial policies such as the residential school system and the Sixties Scoop have been recognized as ongoing social determinants of health among Indigenous people (Mitchell, 2019; Tait et al., 2013). Furthermore, despite the closure of residential schools, family separation during childhood – whether through the child welfare system or the youth justice system – remains disproportionately high in Indigenous communities. The analyses undertaken in this study emphasize the need for further investigation into the effects of such family separation during childhood on socioeconomic and health outcomes among Indigenous adults. While this paper does not establish a causal relationship between the two (see the Limitations section for further details), it demonstrates an association between childhood experience of being under government care and the ongoing challenges that Indigenous adults face today, including mental health issues, disability, homelessness, and economic instability.
This study found that 11% of Indigenous adults reported having been under the legal responsibility of the government as children, compared to just 2% of non-Indigenous individuals, with this disparity observed across all age groups. This may indicate that, despite the closure of residential schools, the disparity persists over time, and that the child welfare and youth justice systems may have had a disproportionate impact on Indigenous people. The variation among First Nations (16%), Inuit (9%), and Métis (6%) also suggests that historical and ongoing policies may have differentially affected these groups, yet the overall trend reveals a persistent pattern.
Across Indigenous identity groups, lower levels of general health and mental health, as well as higher prevalence and severity of disabilities, were observed among those with experiences of having been under the legal responsibility of the government as children. These findings align with existing research that links historical trauma and systemic inequities to poorer general and mental health outcomes among Indigenous populations (McKenzie et al., 2009; Barker et al., 2019, Hackett et al., 2016).
The association between being under government care in childhood and higher rates of disability was also pronounced, with two-thirds of Indigenous individuals who had been under government responsibility having a disability, compared to 46% among those who had not been. Although similar patterns are observed in non-Indigenous populations, the severity and prevalence were more pronounced among Indigenous groups.
Economic challenges were also more acute among Indigenous individuals who had been under government care, with 60% reporting difficulty meeting household needs compared to 38% of those who had not been under care. This economic hardship was further evidenced by higher rates of experiencing homelessness and hidden homelessness, with substantial differences in reported experiences between those who had been under government care as children and those who had not been.
This study quantified a crucial aspect of Canada’s social landscape, as an important first step in understanding the dynamics and complexities of outcomes associated with having been under the care of the government as children. Further research is needed to assess the extent to which adverse health and economic outcomes in adulthood among Indigenous people who had been under government care as children can be attributed to that care. It is also important to investigate the heterogenous effects of government care across different population groups, including Indigenous versus non-Indigenous populations, and among different Indigenous identity groups. Most importantly, further research is necessary to identify protective factors that can mitigate these adverse effects. A comprehensive approach that acknowledges the historical context will enhance the identification of such protective factors, thereby facilitating provision of targeted health and social services, and promoting policies aimed at reducing inequities (Quinn, 2022; MNO, 2023). Data limitations remain an ongoing challenge, especially those that constrain distinction-based or provincial level analyses. As data become more diverse and accessible, addressing key health indicators as outlined in the calls to action will improve over time (TRC, 2015).
In order to continue efforts to measure progress towards reconciliation through data (TRC, 2015), there needs to be additional research using recent and culturally relevant data such as the 2022 Indigenous Peoples Survey (IPS). Although institutions such as residential schools no longer exist today, the legacy of colonization and social policies within the child welfare system continue to impact Indigenous populations (TRC, 2015). Understanding the dynamics and outcomes of childhood experiences is essential for examining factors that contribute to resilience like cultural continuity (Greenwood, 2016). For Indigenous people, children are a sacred responsibility with significant cultural importance; thus, it is important to understand how historical events have influenced and shaped them.
Limitations
The analyses presented in this paper are subject to certain limitations. First, the term “legal responsibility of the government” used in the survey question is broad, encompassing a wide range of experiences, such as out-of-home care, residential schools, and the youth justice system. Consequently, the data do not allow for identification of which specific experiences or services respondents are referring to. Further research is needed to identify the distinct outcomes associated with each of these experiences.
Second, analyses based on identity distinctions were limited in this paper due to the relatively small sample size. For example, findings for Métis people had to be suppressed in most cases due to the limited sample size. Similarly, this study was unable to disaggregate intersectional identities, such as status versus non-status First Nations, as well as regional (rural or urban) or gender differences, for the same reason.
Lastly, while the analysis here demonstrates the association between childhood experience of government care and adverse outcomes, it cannot establish a causal relationship between the two. Since this study did not account for other potential important factors, such as reasons for being in government care, caution is advised when attributing adverse outcomes solely to government care. Furthermore, the study was unable to identify the specific mechanisms through which government care might lead to adverse outcomes, which restricts its use in formulating policy implications. For example, the impact of potential protective factors, such as cultural connectivity in foster care, on this association remains unexplored.
These data limitations underscore the importance of future research utilizing the Indigenous Peoples Survey 2022Note , which has a larger sample size and includes detailed information on residential school attendance, foster care experiences, and cultural connectivity in foster care. A larger sample size will be essential to examining different disaggregations of the Indigenous population, including identity group, registered Indian status, and inside and outside Inuit Nunangat.
Data Sources, Methods, and Definitions
The 2018 Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces (SSPPS) is a voluntary survey, which collects information on Canadians' experiences related to their safety in public and private spaces. Questions are asked about these personal experiences at home, in the workplace, in public spaces and online.
The target population for the 2018 SSPPS is all non-institutionalizedNote persons 15 years of age or older, living in the 10 provinces and the 3 territories of Canada. The SSPPS uses a frame that combines landline and cellular telephone numbers from administrative sources with Statistics Canada' dwelling frame. As a result, it is possible that some respondents were living on reserve at the time of data collection.
All estimates were produced using survey weights that account for sample design, non-response and known population totals. A bootstrapping technique was applied when calculating all estimates of variance.
Definitions
Legal Responsibility of the government: Survey respondents were asked “As a child, were you ever under the legal responsibility of the government?”. Examples provided include: foster care, group home under child protection or child welfare services, orphanage, residential school for Indigenous children, under the custody of a youth justice facility or group home.
Homelessness: For this study, individuals with an experience of homelessness include only respondents who answered ‘yes’ to the question: “Have you ever been homeless; that is, having to live in a shelter, on the street, or in an abandoned building?”. Examples provided include: living in homeless shelters, in other locations not intended for human habitation such as cars, laneways, sidewalk. Note that hidden homelessness, as defined below, is not included here.
Hidden Homelessness: For this study, individuals with an experience of hidden homelessness are those who answered ‘yes’ to the question: “Have you ever had to temporarily live with family or friends, or anywhere else because you had nowhere else to live?”. Examples include ‘couch surfing,’ not having a regular or stable dwelling, but exclude living in hotels, hostels or rented accommodations.
Disability: A person is defined as having a disability if they have one or more of the following types of disability: seeing, hearing, mobility, flexibility, dexterity, pain-related, learning, developmental, memory, mental-health related, or unknown.
Mental health-related disability: A person is defined as having a mental health-related disability if they are sometimes, often, or always limited in their daily activities by an emotional, psychological, or mental health condition (regardless of the level of difficulty). A person is also defined as having a mental health-related disability if they are rarely limited in his or her daily activities by an emotional, psychological or mental health condition and has a lot of difficulty with their daily activities or cannot do most of their activities when experiencing this condition.
Authors
Iman Dar, Lydia Clarke-Rehman and Nazih Nasrallah are with the Congress of Aboriginal Peoples. Paula Arriagada and Hyunji Lee are with the Centre for Indigenous Statistics and Partnerships at Statistics Canada.
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